r  r. 


TECUMSEH. 


AlfD  OF  HIS  BROTHER 


THE     PROPHET; 


HISTORICAL    SKETCH 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS. 


BY  BENJAMIN  DRAKE, 

\  \ 

AUTHOR  OP  "THE  LIFE  op  BLACK  HAWK,"  "TALES  FROM  THE 

Q.TJEEN    CITY,"    &C.    &C. 


CINCINNATI: 

FL  K  IIULISON,  QUEEN  CITY  PUBLISHING  HOUSE,   115,'£  MAIN  ST 
PHILADELPHIA: 

QUAKER  CITY  PUBLISHING  HOUSE,  32  SOUTH  THIRT!  ST. 

1856. 


I 

\  / 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1841, 

BY  BENJAMIN  DRAKE, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  for  the  District  Court  of  Ohio. 


Stereotyped  by  J.  A.  Jamea. 
Cincinnati. 


* 


PREFACE. 


MANY  years  have  elapsed  since  the  author  of  this  volume 
determined  to  write  the  life  of  TECUMSEH  and  of  his  brother 
the  PROPHET,  and  actually  commenced  the  collection  of  the 
materials  for  its  accomplishment.  From  various  causes,  the 
completion  of  the  task  has  been  postponed  until  the  present 
time.  This  delay,  however,  has  probably  proved  beneficial 
to  the  work,  as  many  interesting  incidents  in  the  lives  of 
these  individuals  are  now  embraced  in  its  pages,  which  could 
not  have  been  included  had  it  been  put  to  press  at  an  earlier 
period. 

In  the  preparation  of  this  volume,  the  author's  attention 
was  drawn,  to  some  extent,  to  the  history  of  the  Shawanoe 
tribe  of  Indians :  and  he  has  accordingly  prefixed  to  the  main 
work,  a  brief  historical  narrative  of  this  wandering  and 
warlike  nation,  with  biographical  sketches  of  several  of  its 
nost  distinguished  chiefs. 

The  author  is  under  lasting  obligations  to  a  number  of 
Tentlemen  residing  in  diiferent  sections  of  the  country,  for 
he  substantial  assistance  which  they  have  kindly  afforded 
lim  in  the  collection  of  the  matter  embraced  in  this  volume. 
3ther  sources  of  information  have  not,  however,  been  ne 
glected.  All  the  histories,  magazines  and  journals  within 
he  reach  of  the  author,  containing  notices  of  the  subjects  of 
his  memoir,  have  been  carefully  consulted.  By  application 
,t  the  proper  department  at  Washington,  copies  of  the  nu- 
nerous  letters  written  by  general  Harrison  to  the  Secretary 
•f  War  in  the  years  1808,  '9,  '10,  '11,  '12  and  '13,  were  ob- 

iij 


IV  PREFACE. 

tained,  and  have  been  found  of  much  value  in  the  preparation 
of  this  work.  As  governor  of  Indiana  territory,  superintend- 
ant  of  Indian  affairs,  and  afterwards  commander-in-chief  of 
the  north-western  army,  the  writer  of  those  letters  possessed 
opportunities  of  knowing  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  enjoy 
ed  by  no  other  individuals. 

In  addition  to  these  several  sources  of  information,  the 
author  has  personally,  at  different  times,  visited  the  frontiers 
of  Ohio  and  Indiana,  for  the  purpose  of  conversing  with  the 
Indians  and  the  pioneers  of  that  region,  who  happened  to  be 
acquainted  with  Tecumseh  and  his  brother;  and  by  these 
visits,  has  been  enabled  to  enrich  his  narrative  with  some 
amusing  and  valuable  anecdotes. 

In  the  general  accuracy  of  his  work  the  author  feels  con 
siderable  confidence :  in  its  merit,  as  a  literary  production, 
very  little.  Every  line  of  it  having  been  written  while  suf 
fering  under  the  depressing  influence  of  ill  health,  he  has 
only  aimed  at  a  simple  narrative  style,  without  any  reference 
to  the  graces  of  a  polished  composition.  B.  I). 

Cincinnati,  1841. 


CONTENTS. 


HlSTORT  OF  THE  SHAWANOE    INDIANS PAQE    9 

CATAHECASSA,  or  BLACK-HOOF    41 

COBNSTALK 45 

SPEMICA-LAWBA,  the  HIGH  Honx  ;  or,  CAPTAIN  LOGAX  49 


THE   LIFE    OF   TECUMSEH. 
CHAPTER  I. 

Parentage  of  Tecumseh — his  sister  Tecumapease — his  brother  Cheee>ee- 
kau,  Sauweeseekau,  Nehasseemo,  Tenskwautawa  or  the  Prophet,  and 
Kumskauka 61 

CHAPTER  II. 

Birth  place  of  Tecumseh — destruction  of  the  Piqua  village — early  habits 
of  Tecumseh — his  first  battle — effort  to  abolish  the  burning  of  prison 
ers — visits  the  Cherokees  in  the  south — engages  in  several  battles — re 
turns  to  Ohio  in  the  autumn  of  1790 66 

CHAPTER  III. 

Tecumseh  attacked  near  Big  Rock  by  some  whites  under  Robert  M'Clel- 
land — severe  battle  with  some  Kentuckians  on  the  East  Fork  of  the  Little 
Miami — attack  upon  Tecumseh  in  1793,  on  the  waters  of  Paint  creek 
— Tecumseh  present  at  the  attack  on  fort  Recovery  in  1794 — partici 
pates  in  the  battle  of  the  Rapids  of  the  Maumee,  in  1794 71 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Tbcumseh's  skill  as  a  hunter— declines  attending  the  treaty  of  Greenville 
in  1795 — in  1796  removed  to  Great  Miami — in  1798  joined  a  party  of 
Delawares  on  White  river,  Indiana — in  1799  attended  a  council  be- 
A2  V 


n  CONTENTS. 

twcen  the  whites  and  Indians  near  Urbana — another  at  Chillicothe  in 
1803 — makes  an  able  speech — removes  with  the  Prophet  to  Greenville, 
in  1805 — the  latter  commences  prophecying — causes  the  death  of  Tete- 
boxti,  Patterson,  Coltos,  and  Joshua — governor  Harrison's  speech  to  the 
Prophet  to  arrest  these  murderers — effort  of  Welle  the  U.  S.  Indian  agent 
to  prevent  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  from  assembling  the  Indians  at 
Greenville — Tecumseh's  speech  in  reply — he  attends  a  council  at  Chil 
licothe — speech  on  that  occasion — council  at  Springfield — Tecumseh 
principal  speaker  and  actor 82 

CHAPTER  V. 

Governor  Harrison's  address  to  the  Shawanoe  chiefs  at  Greenville — the 
Prophet's  reply — his  influence  felt  among  the  remote  tribes — he  is  visit 
ed  in  1808  by  great  numbers  of  Indians — Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet 
remove  to  Tippecanoe — the  latter  sends  a  speech  to  governor  Harrison 
— makes  him  a  visit  at  Vincennes 100 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Tecumseh  visits  the  Wyandots — governor  Harrison's  letter  about  the 
Prophet  to  the  Secretary  of  War — British  influence  over  the  Indians — 
Tecumseh  burns  governor  Harrison's  letter  to  the  chiefs — great  alarm 
in  Indiana,  in  consequence  of  the  assemblage  of  the  Indians  at  Tip 
pecanoe — death  of  Leatherlips,  a  Wyandot  chief,  on  a  charge  of  witch 
craft 109 

.    CHAPTER  VII. 

Governor  Harrison  makes  another  effort  to  ascertain  the  designs  of  Te 
cumseh  and  the  Prophet — Tecumseh  vjsits  the  governor  at  Vincennes, 
attended  by  four  hundred  warriors — a  council  is  held — Tecumseh  be 
comes  deeply  excited,  and  charges  governor  Harrison  with  falsehood — 
council  broken  up  in  disorder — renewed  the  next  day 1 20 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Alarm  on  the  frontier  continues — a  Muskoe  Indian  killed  at  Vincennes — 
governor  Harrison  sends  a  pacific  speech  to  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet 
-the  former  replies  to  it — hi  July  Tecuraseh  visits  governor  Harrison  at 
Vincennes — disavows  any  intention  of  making  war  upon  the  whites — 
explains  his  object  in  forming  a  union  among  the  tribes — governor  Har 
rison's  opinion  of  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet— murder  of  the  Deaf 
Chief— Tecumseh  visits  the  southern  Indians 133 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Governor  Harrison  applies  to  the  War  Department  for  troops  to  maintain 
peace  on  the  frontiers — battle  of  Tippecanoe  on  the  7th  of  November — 
its  influence  on  the  Prophet  and  his  followers 146 

CHAPTER  X. 

Tecumseh  returns  from  the  south — proposes  to  visit  the  President,  but  de 
clines,  because  not  permitted  to  go  to  Washington  at  the  head  of  a  par 
ty — attends  a  council  at  fort  Wayne — proceeds  to  Maiden  and  joins  the 
British — governor  Harrison's  letter  to  the  War  Department  relative  to 
the  north-west  tribes 153 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Tecumseh  participates  in  the  battle  of  Brownstown — commands  the  Indi 
ans  in  the  action  near  Maguaga — present  at  Hull's  surrender — general 
Brock  presents  him  his  military  sash — attack  on  Chicago  brought  about 
by  Tecumseh 163 

CHAPTER  XII. 

&iege  of  fort  Meigs — Tecumseh  commands  the  Indians — acts  with  intrepid 
ity — rescues  the  American  prisoners  from  the  tomahawk  and  scalping 
knife,  after  Dudley's  defeat — .reported  agreement  between  Proctor  and 
Tecumseh,  that  general  Harrison,  if  taken  prisoner,  should  be  delivered 
to  the  latter  to  be  burned 167 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

it^cumseh  present  at  the  second  attack  on  fort  Meigs — his  stratagem  of  a 
snam-battle  to  draw  out  general  Clay — is  posted  in  the  Black  Swamp 
with  two  tnousand  warriors  at  the  time  of  the  attack  on  fort  Stephenson 
— from  thence  passes  by  land  to  Maiden — compels  general  Proctor  to 
release  an  American  prisoner — threatens  to  desert  the  British  cause — 
urges  an  aitacK  upon  the  American  fleet — opposes  Proctor's  retreat  from 
Maiden — delivers  a  speech  to  him  on  that  occasion 183 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Retreat  of  the  combined  British  anu  Italian  army  to  the  river  Thames — 
skirmish  at  Chatham  with  the  troops  under  general  Harrison — Tecunv 


Viii  CONTENTS. 

sell  slightly  wounded  in  the  arm — battle  on  the  Thames  on  the  6th  of 
October— Tecumseh's  death  . .  19C 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Critical  examination  of  the  question  "who  killed  Tecumseh  ?  "—colonel 
R.  M.  Johnson's  claim  considered 199 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  opinion  of  the  Prophet — brief  sketch  of  his  character — an 
ecdotes  of  Tecumseh — a  review  of  the  great  principles  of  his  plan  of 
union  among  the  tribes — general  summary  of  his  life  and  charac 
ter..  ,..219 


HISTORY 

OF    THE 

SH AW ANOE    INDIANS. 


THERE  is  a  tradition  among  the  Shawanoes,  in  re 
gard  to  their  origin,  which  is  said  to  be  peculiar  to  that 
tribe.  While  most  of  the  aborigines  of  this  country 
believe  that  their  respective  races  came  out  of  holes  in 
the  earth  at  different  places  on  this  continent,  the  Shaw- 
anoes  alone  claim,  that  their  ancestors  once  inhabited 
a  foreign  land ;  but  having  determined  to  leave  it,  they 
assembled  their  people  and  marched  to  the  sea  shore. 
Here,  under  the  guidance  of  a  leader  of  the  Turtle 
tribe,  one  of  their  twelve  original  subdivisions,  they 
walked  into  the  sea,  the  waters  of  which  immediately 
parted,  and  they  passed  in  safety  along  the  bottom  of 
the  ocean,  until  they  reached  this  island.* 

The  Shawanoes  have  been  known  by  different  names. 
The  Iroquois,  according  to  Golden7  s  history  of  the  "  Five 
Nations/'  gave  them  the  appellation  of  Satanas.  The 
Delawares,  says  Gallatin,  in  his  synopsis  of  the  Indian 
tribes,  call  them  Shawaneu,  which  means  southern. 
The  French  writers  mention  them  under  the  name  of 
Chaouanons;  and  occasionally  they  are  denominated 
Massawomees. 

The  orthography  of  the  word  by  which  they  are  gen 
erally  designated,  is  not  very  well  settled.  It  has  been 
written  Shawanos,  Sawanos,  Shawaneu,  Shawnees  and 
Shawanoes,  which  last  method  of  spelling  the  word, 
will  be  followed  in  the  pages  of  this  work. 

*  History  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of  North  America,  by  James  Hall  and  J. 
L.  McKinney,  a  valuable  work,  containing  one  hundred  and  twenty  richly 
colored  portraits  of  Indian  chiefs. 

9 


10  HISTORY    OF    THE 

The  original  seats  of  the  Shawanocs  have  been 
placed  in  different  sections  of  the  country.  This  has 
doubtless  been  owing  to  their  very  erratic  disposition. 
Of  their  history,  prior  to  the  year  1680,  but  little  is 
known.  ,  The  earliest  .mention  of  them  by  any  writer 
whose  work  .Mas  fallen  under  our  observation,  was  in 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Mr.  Jeffer 
son,  in.  his  «  Notes  .on  Virginia,"  says  that  when  captain 
John  Smith  first  arrived  in  America,  a  fierce  war  was 
raging  against  the  allied  Mohicans,  residing  on  Long 
Island,  and  the  Shawanoes  on  the  Susquehanna,  and 
to  the  westward  of  that  river,  by  the  Iroquois.  Cap 
tain  Smith  first  landed  on  this  continent  in  April,  1607. 
In  the  following  year,  1608,  he  penetrated  down  the 
Susquehanna  to  the  mouth  of  it,  where  he  met  six  or 
seven  of  their  canoes,  filled  with  warriors,  about  to 
attack  their  enemy  in  the  rear.  De  Laet,  in  1632,  in 
his  enumeration  of  the  different  tribes,  on  either  side 
of  the  Delaware  river,  mentions  the  Shawanoes. — 
Charlevoix  speaks  of  them  under  the  name  of  Cha- 
ouanons,  as  neighbors  and  allies  in  1672,  of»the  An- 
dastes,  an  Iroquois  tribe,  living  south  of  the  Senecas. 
Whether  any  of  the  Shawanoes  were  present  at  the 
treaty*  made  in  1682,  under  the  celebrated  Kensington 
elm,  between  William  Penn  and  the  Indians,  does  not 
positively  appear  from  any  authorities  before  us ;  that 
such,  however,  was  the  fact,  may  be  fairly  inferred, 
from  the  circumstance  that  at  a  conference  between 
the  Indians  and  governor  Keith,  in  1722,  the  Shawa 
noes  exhibited  a  copy  of  this  treaty  written  on  parch 
ment. 

To  the  succeeding  one  made  at  Philadelphia,  in  Feb 
ruary,  1701,  the  Shawanoes  were  parties,  being  rep 
resented  on  that  occasion,  by  their  chiefs,  Wopatha, 
Lemoytungh  and  Pemoyajagh.t  More  than  fifty  years 
afterward,  a  manuscript  copy  of  this  treaty  of  com 
merce  arid  friendship,  was  in  the  possession  of  the 
Shawanoes  of  Ohio,  and  was  exhibited  by  them.  In 


*  "  This  treaty,"  says  Voltaire, <f  was  the  first  made  between  those  people 
(the  Indians)  and  the  Christians,  that  was  not  ratified  with  an  oath,  and 
that  was  never  broken." 

f  Pro ud's  History  of  Pennsylvania. 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS,  11 

1 684,  the  Iroquois,  when  complained  of  by  the  French 
for  having  attacked  the  Miamis,  justified  their  conduct 
on  the  ground,  that  they  had  invited  the  Santanas 
(Shawanoes)  into  the  country,  for  the  purpose  of  ma 
king  war  upon  them.*  The  Sauks  and  Foxes,  whose 
residence  was  originally  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  claim  the 
Shawanoes  as  belonging  to  the  same  stock  with  them 
selves,  and  retain  traditional  accounts  of  their  emigra 
tion  to  the  south.t  In  the  "  History  of  the  Indian  Tribes 
of  North  America,"  when  speaking  of  the  Shawanoes, 
the  authors  say, "  their  manners,  customs  and  language 
indicate  a  northern  origin ;  and,  upwards  of  two  centu 
ries  ago,  they  held  the  country  south  of  Lake  Erie. 
They  were  the  first  tribe  which  felt  the  force  and  yield 
ed  to  the  superiority  of  the  Iroquois.  Conquered  by 
these,  they  migrated  to  the  south,  and  from  fear  or 
favor,  were  allowed  to  take  possession  of  a  region  upon 
the  Savannah  river ;  but  what  part  of  that  stream, 
whether  in  Georgia  or  Florida,  is  not  known;  it  is  pre 
sumed  the  former."  Mr.  Gallatin  speaks  of  the  final 
defeat  of  the  Shawanoes  and  their  allies,  in  a  war  with 
the  Five  Nations,  as  having  taken  place  in  the  year 
1672.  This  same  writer,  who  has  carefully  studied  the 
language  of  the  aborigines,  considers  the  Shawanoes  as 
belonging  to  the  Lenape  tribes  of  the  north.  From 
these  various  authorities,  it  is  apparent  that  the  Shaw 
anoes  belonged  originally  to  the  Algonkin-Lenape  na 
tion;  and  that  during  the  three  first  quarters  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  they  were  found  in  eastern  Penn 
sylvania,  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  southern  shore 
of  Lake  Erie ;  and  generally  at  war  with  some  of  the 
neighboring  tribes.  Whether  their  dispersion,  which  is 
supposed  to  have  taken  place  about  the  year  1672, 
drore  them  all  to  the  south  side  of  the  Ohio,  does  not 
very  satisfactorily  appear. 

Subsequently  to  this  period,  the  Shawanoes  w^re 
found  on  the  Ohio  river  below  the  Wabash,  in  Ken 
tucky,  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas.  Lawson,  in  his  his 
tory  of  Carolina  in  1708,  speaks  of  the  Savanoes, 


Colden.  ^  Morse's  Report. 


12  HISTORY    OP    THE 

removing  from  the  Mississippi  to  one  of  the  rivers  of 
South  Carolina.  Gallatin  quotes  an  authority  which 
sustains  Lawson,  and  which  establishes  the  fact  that  at 
a  very  early  period  in  the  history  of  the  south,  there 
was  a  Shawanoe  settlement  on  the  head  waters  of  the 
Catawba  or  Santee,  and  probably  of  the  Yadkin.  From 
another  authority  it  appears,  that  for  a  time  the  Shaw- 
anoes  had  a  station  on  the  Savannah  river,  above  Au 
gusta  5  and  Adair,  who  refers  to  the  war  between  the 
Shawanoes  and  Cherokees,  saw  a  body  of  the  former 
in  the  wilderness,  who,  after  having  wandered  for  some 
time  in  the  woods,  were  then  returning  to  the  Creek 
country.  According  to  John  Johnston,*  a  large  party 
of  the  Shawanoes,  who  originally  lived  north  of  the 
Ohio,  had  for  some  cause  emigrated  as  far  south  as  the 
Suwanoe  river,  which  empties  into  the.  Gulf  of  Mex 
ico.  From  thence  they  returned,  under  the  direction 
of  a  chief  named  Black  Hoof,  about  the  middle  of  the 
last  century,  to  Ohio.  It  is  supposed  that  this  tribe 
gave  name  to  the  Suwanoe  river,  in  1750,  by  which 
name  the  Cumberland  was  also  known,  when  Doctor 
Walker,  (of  Virginia)  visited  Kentucky. 

Of  the  causes  which  led  the  Shawanoes  to  abandon 
the  south,  but  little  is  known  beyond  what  may  be 
gleaned  from  their  traditions.  Heckewelder,  in  his 
contributions  to  the  American  Philosophical  Society, 
says,  « they  were  a  restless  people,  delighting  in  wars, 
in  which  they  were  constantly  engaged  with  some  of 
the  surrounding  nations.  At  last  their  neighbors,  tired 
of  being  continually  harassed  by  them,  formed  a  league 
for  their  destruction.  The  Shawanoes  finding  them 
selves  thus  dangerously  situated,  asked  to  be  permitted 
to  leave  the  country,  which  was  granted  to  them  ;  and 
they  immediately  removed  to  the  Ohio.  Here  their 
main  body  settled,  and  then  sent  messengers  to  their 
elder  brother,!  the  Mohicans,  requesting  them  to  inter 
cede  for  them  with  their  grandfather,  the  Lenni  Lena- 
pe,  to  take  them  under  his  protection.  This  the  Mohi- 

*  1  Vol.  Trans.  Amer.  Antiquarian  Society. 

t  The  Shawanoes  call  the  Mohicans  their  elder  brother,  and  the  Dela- 
wares  their  grandfather. 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  13 

cans  willingly  did,  and  even  sent  a  body  oi'  their  own 
people  to  conduct  their  younger  brother  into  the  coun 
try  of  the  Delawares.  The  Shawanoes  finding  them 
selves  safe  under  the  protection  of  their  grandfather, 
did  not  choose  to  proceed  to  the  eastward,  but  many 
of  them  remained  on  the  Ohio,  some  of  whom  settled 
as  far  up  that  river  as  the  long  island,  above  which 
the  French  afterwards  built  fort  Duquesne,  on  the  spot: 
where  Pittsburg  now  stands.  Those  who  proceeded 
farther,  were  accompanied  by  their  chief,  named  Gach- 
gawatsehiqua,  and  settled  principally  at  and  about  the 
forks  of  the  Delaware,  between  that  and  the  confluence 
of  the  Delaware  and  Schuylkill ;  and  some,  even  on 
the  spot  where  Philadelphia  now  stands ;  others  were 
conducted  by  the  Mohicans  into  their  own  country, 
where  they  intermarried  with  them  and  became  one 
people.  When  those  settled  near  the  Delaware  had 
multiplied,  they  returned  to  Wyoming  on  the  Sus- 
quehannah,  where  they  resided  for  a  great  number  of 
years." 

Chapman,  in  his  history  of  Wyoming,  states,  that 
after  the  Shawanoes  were  driven  from  Georgia  and 
Florida,  they  built  a  town  at  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash, 
and  established  themselves  in  it.  They  then  applied  to 
the  Delawares  for  some  territory  on  which  to  reside. 
When  granted,  a  council  was  held  to  consider  the  pro 
priety  of  accepting  the  offer  of  the  Delawares.  On  this 
question  the  Shawanoes  divided — part  of  them  remain 
ed  on  the  Wabash, — the  others,  composing  chiefly  the 
Piqua  tribe,  formed  a  settlement  in  the  forks  of  the 
Delaware.  After  a  time,  a  disagreement  arose  between 
them  and  the  Delawares,  which  induced  the  former  to 
remove  to  the  valley  of  the  Wyoming,  on  the  Susque- 
hannah/"on  the  west  bank  of  which  they  built  a  town, 
and  lived  in  repose  many  years.  Subsequently  to  the 
treaty  held  at  Philadelphia,  in  1742,  between  the  gover 
nor  and  the  Six  Nations,  the  Delawares  were  driven 
from  that  part  of  Pennsylvania ;  and  a  portion  of  them 
also  removed  to  the  Wyoming  valley,  then  in  posses 
sion  of  the  Shawanoes,  and  secured  the  quiet  occupan 
cy  of  a  part  of  it ;  built  a  town  on  the  east  bank  of  the 
river,  which  they  called  Waughwauwame,  where  they 

B 


14  HISTORY    OF    THE 

lived  for  some  time,  on  terms  of  amity  with  their  new 

neighbors. 

During  the  summer  of  1742,  count  Zinzendorf  of 
Saxony,  came  to  America  on  a  religious  mission,  con 
nected  with  the  ancient  church  of  the  United  Brethren. 
Having  heard  of  the  Shawanoes  at  Wyoming,  he  de 
termined  to  make  an  effort  to  introduce  Christianity 
among  them.  He  accordingly  made  them  a  visit,  but 
did  not  meet  with  a  cordial  reception.  The  Shawa 
noes  supposed  that  the  missionary  was  in  pursuit  of 
their  lands ;  and  a  party  of  them  determined  to  assas 
sinate  him  privately,  for  fear  of  exciting  other  Indians 
to  hostility.  The  attempt  upon  his  life  was  made,  but 
strangely  defeated.  Chapman  relates  the  manner  of  it, 
which  he  obtained  from  a  companion  of  the  count,  who 
did  not  publish  it  in  his  memoirs,  lest  the  United  Breth 
ren  might  suppose  that  the  subsequent  conversion  ot 
the  Shawanoes  was  the  result  of  their  superstition.  It 
is  as  follows : 

"  Zinzendorf  was  alone  in  his  tent,  seated  upon  a 
bundle  of  dry  weeds,  which  composed  his  bed,  and 
engaged  in  writing,  when  the  assassins  approached  to 
execute  their  bloody  commission.  It  was  night,  and 
the  cool  air  of  September  had  rendered  a  small  fire 
necessary  for  his  comfort  and  convenience.  A  curtain, 
formed  of  a  blanket,  and  hung  upon  pins,  was  the  only 
guard  to  his  tent.  The  heat  of  his  small  fire  had  arous 
ed  a  large  rattlesnake,  which  lay  in  the  weeds  not  far 
from  it ;  and  the  reptile,  to  enjoy  it  the  more  effectually, 
had  crawled  slowly  into  the  tent,  and  passed  over  one 
of  his  legs,  undiscovered.  Without,  all  was  still  and 
quiet,  except  the  gentle  murmur  of  the  river,  at  the 
rapids  about  a  mile  below.  At  this  moment,  the  In 
dians  softly  approached  the  door  of  his  tent,  and  slight 
ly  removing  the  curtain,  contemplated  the  venerable 
man,  too  deeply  engaged  in  the  subject  of  his  thoughts, 
to  notice  either  their  approach,  or  the  snake  which  lay 
before  him.  At  a  sight  like  this,  even  the  heart  of  the 
savages  shrunk  from  the  idea  of  committing  so  horrid 
an  act ;  and,  quitting  the  spot,  they  hastily  returned  to 
the  town,  and  informed  their  companions,  that  the 
Great  Spirit  protected  the  white  man,  for  they  had 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  15 

found  him  with  no  door  but  a  blanket,  and  had  seen  a 
large  rattlesnake  crawl  over  his  legs  without  attempt 
ing  to  injure  him.  This  circumstance,  together  with 
the  arrival  soon  afterwards  of  Conrad  Weizer,  the  in 
terpreter,  procured  the  count  the  friendship  of  the  In 
dians,  and  probably  induced  some  of  them  to  embrace 
Christianity." 

When  the  war  between  the  French  and  the  English 
occurred  in  1754,  the  Shawanoes  on  the  Ohio  took 
sides  with  the  former ;  but  the  appeal  to  those  residing 
it  Wyoming  to  do  the  same,  was  ineffectual.  The  in- 
.luence  of  the  count's  missionary  efforts  had  made  them 
averse  to  war.  But  an  event  which  happened  soon 
afterward,  disturbed  the  peace  of  their  settlement,  and 
finally  led  to  their  removal  from  the  valley.  Occasion 
al  difficulties  of  a  transient  nature,  had  arisen  between 
the  Delawares  and  the  Shawanoes  at  Wyoming.  An 
unkind  feeling,  produced  by  trifling  local  causes,  had 
grown  up  between  the  two  tribes.  At  length  a  child 
ish  dispute  about  the  possession  of  a  harmless  grass 
hopper,  brought  on  a  bloody  battle ;  and  a  final  sepa 
ration  of  the  two  parties  soon  followed.  One  day, 
while  most  of  the  Delaware  men  were  absent  on  a 
hunting  excursion,  the  women  of  that  tribe  went  out  to 
gather  wild  fruits  on  the  margin  of  the  river,  below 
their  village.  Here  they  met  a  number  of  Shawanoe 
women  and  their  children,  who  had  crossed  the  stream 
in  their  canoes,  and  were  similarly  engaged.  One  of 
the  Shawanoe  children  having  caught  a  large  grasshop 
per,  a  dispute  arose  with  some  of  the  Delaware  chil 
dren,  in  regard  to  the  possession  of  it.  In  this  quarrel, 
as  was  natural,  the  mothers  soon  became  involved. 
The  Delaware  women  contended  for  the  possession  of 
the  grasshopper  on  the  ground  that  the  Shawanoes  pos 
sessed  no  privileges  on  that  side  of  the  river.  A  resort 
to  violence  ensued,  and  the  Shawanoe  women  being  in 
the  minority,  were  speedily  driven  to  their  canoes,  and 
compelled  to  seek  safety  by  flight  to  their  own  bank  of 
the  stream.  Here  the  matter  rested  until  the  return  of 
the  hunters,  when  the  Shawanoes,  in  order  to  avenge 
the  indignity  offered  to  their  women,  armed  themselves 
for  battle.  When  they  attempted  to  cross  the  river, 


16  HISTORY    OF    THE 

they  found  the  Delawares  duly  prepared  to  receive 
them  and  oppose  their  landing.  The  battle  commen 
ced  while  the  Shawanoes  were  still  in  their  canoes,  but 
they  at  length  effected  a  landing,  which  was  followed 
by  a  general  and  destructive  engagement.  The  Shaw 
anoes  having  lost  a  number  of  their  warriors  before 
reaching  the  shore,  were  too  much  weakened  to  sus 
tain  the  battle  for  any  length  of  time.  After  the  loss 
of  nearly  one  half  their  party,  they  were  compelled  to 
fly  to  their  own  side  of  the  river.  Many  of  the  Dela 
wares  were  killed.  Shortly  after  this  disastrous  con 
test,  the  Shawanoes  quietly  abandoned  their  village, 
and  removed  westward  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio.'* 

After  the  Shawanoes  of  Pennsylvania  had  fallen  back 
upon  the  waters  of  the  Ohio,  they  spread  themselves 
from  the  Alleghenies  as  far  westward  as  the  Big  Miami. 
One  of  their  villages  was  seventeen  miles  below  Pitts- 
burg  :  it  was  called  Log's  Town,  and  was  visited  by 
Croghan,  in  1765.  Another,  named  Lowertown,  also 
visited  by  the  same  traveler,  stood  just  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Scioto.  It  was  subsequent !  y  carried  away 
by  a  great  flood  in  that  river,  which  overflowed  the 
site  of  the  town,*and  compelled  the  Indians  to  escape 
in  their  canoes.  They  afterwards  built  a  new  town  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  but  soon  abandoned  it, 
arid  removed  to  the  plains  of  the  Scioto  and  Paint  creek, 
where  they  established  themselves,  on  the  north  fork 
of  the  latter  stream.  They  had  also  several  other  vil 
lages  of  considerable  size  in  the  Miami  valley.  One 
was  "Chillicothe,"  standing  near  the  mouth  of  Massie's 
creek,  three  miles  north  of  Xenia.  Another,  called 
Piqua,  and  memorable  as  the  birth  place  of  TECUMSEH, 
the  subject  of  our  present  narrative,  stands  upon  the 
north-west  side  of  Mad  river,  about  seven  miles  below 
Springfield,  in  Clark  county.  Both  of  these  villages 
were  destroyed  in  1780,  by  an  expedition  from  Ken 
tucky,  under  the  command'  of  general  George  Rogers 
Clark. 

After  the  peace  of  1763,  the  Miamis  having  remov 
ed  from  the  Big  Miami  river,  a  body  of  Shawanoes 


Chapman. 


SHAWANOK    INDIANS.  17 

establislied  themselves  at  £,ower  and  Upper  Piqua,  in 
Miami  county,  which  places,  being  near  together,  be 
came  their  great  head-quarters  in  Ohio.  Here  they 
remained  until  driven  off  by  the  Kentuckians;  when 
they  crossed  over  to  the  St.  Mary's  and  to  Wapaka- 
nottu.  The  Upper  Piquu  is  said  to  have  contained,  at 
one  period,  near  four  thousand  Shawanoes.* 

From  the  geographical  location  of  the  Shawanoes,  it 
will  be  perceived  that  they  were  placed'  under  circum 
stances  which  enabled  them,  with  great  facility,  to  an 
noy  the  early  settlements  in  Kentucky;  and  to  attack 
the  emigrants  descending  the  Ohio.  In  this  fierce  bor 
der  war,  which  was  waged  upon  the  whites  for  a  num 
ber  of  years,  and  oftentimes  with  extreme  cruelty,  the 
Dela wares,  Wyandots,  Mingoes  and  Miamis,  united : 
the  Shawanoes,  however,  were  by  far  the  most  war 
like  and  troublesome. 

The  Shawanoes  were  originally  divided  into  twelve 
tribes  or  bands,  each  of  which  was  sub-divided  into 
families,  known  as  the  Eagle,  the  Turtle,  the  Panther, 
&c.,  these  animals  constituting  their  totems.  Of  these 
twelve,  the  names  of  but  four  tribes  are  preserved,  the 
rest  having  become  extinct,  or  incorporated  with  them. 
They  are,  1st.  the  Mequachake, — 2d.  the  Chillicothe, — 
3d.  the  Kiskapocoke, — 4th.  the  Piqua.  When  in  coun 
cil,  one  of  these  tribes  is  assigned  to  each  of  the  four 
sides  of  the  council-house,  and  during  the  continuance 
of  the  deliberations,  the  tribes  retain  their  respective 
places.  They  claim  to  have  the  power  of  distinguish 
ing,  at  sight,  to  winch  tribe  an  individual  belongs;  but 
to  the  casual  observer,  there  are  no  visible  shades  of 
difference.  In  each  of  the  four  tribes,  except  the  Me 
quachake,  the  chiefs  owe  their  authority  to  merit,  but 
in  the  last  named,  the  office  is  hereditary.  Of  the  origin 
of  the  Piqua  tribe,  the  following  tradition  has  been  re 
cited:!  "  In  ancient  times,  the  Shawanoes  had  occasion 
to  build  a  large  fire,  and  after  it  was  burned  down,  a 
great  puffing  and  blowing  was  heard,  when  up  rose  a 


*  John  Johnston. 

T  Stephen  Ruddell's  manuscript  account  of  the  Shawanoes,  in 
son  of  the  author. 

B  2 


18  HISTORY    OF   THE 

man  from  the  ashes! — hence  the  name  Piqua,  which 
means  a  man  coming  out  of  the  ashes."  Mequachake, 
signifies  a  perfect  man.  To  this  tribe  the  priesthood  is 
confided.  The  members,  or  rather  certain  individuals 
of  it,  are  alone  permitted  to  perform  the  sacrifices  and 
other  religious  ceremonies  of  the  tribe.*  The  division 
of  the  tribe  into  bands  or  totems,  is  not  peculiar  to  the 
Shawanoes,  but  is  common  to  several  other  nations. 
One  of  the  leading  causes  of  its  institution,  was  the 
prohibition  of  marriage  between  those  related  in  a  re 
mote  degree  of  consanguinity.  Individuals  are  not  at 
liberty  to  change  their  totems,  or  disregard  the  restraint 
imposed  by  it  on  intermarriages.  It  is  stated  in  Tan 
ner's  narrative,  that  the  Indians  hold  it  to  be  criminal 
for  a  man  to  marry  a  woman  whose  totem -is  the  same 
as  his  own;  and  they  relate  instances  where  young 
men,  for  a  violation  of  this  rule,  have  been  put  to  death 
by  their  nearest  relatives.  Loskiel,  in  his  history  of 
the  Moravian  missions,  says,  the  Delawares  and  Iro- 
quois  never  marry  near  relatives.  According  to  their 
own  account,  the  Indian  nations  were  divided  into 
tribes  for  the  sole  purpose,  that  no  one  might,  either 
through  temptation  or  mistake,  marry  a  near  relation, 
which  is  now  scarcely  possible,  for  whoever  intends 
to  marry  must  take  a  person  of  a  different  totem.  An 
other  reason  for  the  institution  of  these  totems,  may  be 
found  in  their  influence  on  the  social  relations  of  the 
tribe,  in  softening  private  revenge,  and  preserving  peace. 
Gallatin,  on  the  information  derived  from- a  former  In 
dian  agent  t  among  the  Creeks,  says,  "  according  to  the 
ancient  custom,  if  an  offence  was  committed  by  one  or 
another  member  of  the  same  clan,  the  compensation  to 
be  made,  on  account  of  the  injury,  was  regulated  in 
an  amicable  way,  by  the  other  members  of  the  clan. 
Murder  was  rarely  expiated  in  any  other  way  than  by 
the  death  of  the  murderer;  the  nearest  male  relative  ot 
the  deceased  was  the  executioner;  but  this  being  done, 
as  under  the  authority  of  the  clan,  there  was  no  further 
retaliation.  If  the  injury  was  committed  by  some  one 
of  another  clan,  it  was  not  the  injured  party,  but  the 

*  John  Johnston.  4-  Mitchell. 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  19 

clan  to  which  he  belonged,  that  asked  for  reparation. 
This  was  rarely  refused  by  the  clan  of  the  offender ; 
but  in  case  of  refusal,  the  injured  clan  had  a  right  to 
do  itself  justice,  either  by  killing  the  offender,  in  case 
of  murder,  or  inflicting  some  other  punishment  for  les 
ser  offences.  This  species  of  private  war,  was,  by  the 
Creeks,  called,  "to  take  up  the  sticks;"  because,  the 
punishment  generally  consisted  in  beating  the  offender. 
At  the  time  of  the  annual  corn-feast,  the  sticks  were 
laid  down,  and  could  not  be  again  taken  up  for  the 
same  offence.  But  it  seems  that  originally  there  had 
been  a  superiority  among  some  of  the  clans.  That  of 
the  Wind,  had  the  right  to  take  up  the  sticks  four  times, 
that  of  the  Bear  twice,  for  the  same  offence ;  whilst 
those  of  the  Tiger,  of  the  Wolf,  of  the  Bird,  of  the  Root, 
and  of  two  more  whose  names  I  do  not  know,  could 
raise  them  but  once.  It  is  obvious  that  the  object  of 
the  unknown  legislation,  was  to  prevent  or  soften  the  ef 
fects  of  private  revenge,  by  transferring  the  power  and 
duty  from  the  blood  relatives  to  a  more  impartial  body. 
The  father  and  his  brothers,  by  the  same  mother,  never 
could  belong  to  the  same  clan,  as  their  son  or  nephew, 
whilst  the  perpetual  changes,  arising  from  intermar 
riages  with  women  of  a  different  clan,  prevented  their 
degenerating  into  distinct  tribes ;  and  checked  the  na 
tural  tendency  towards  a  subdivision  of  the  nation  into 
independent  communities.  The  institution  may  be  con 
sidered  as  the  foundation  of  the  internal  policy,  and  the 
basis  of  the  social  state  of  the  Indians." 

One  mode  of  ascertaining  the  origin  of  the  Indian 
tribes,  and  of  determining  their  relation  to  each  other, 
as  well  as  to  other  races  of  mankind,  is  the  study  of 
their  language.  This  has,  at  different  times,  engaged 
the  attention  of  several  able  philologists,  who  have  done 
much  to  analyze  the  Indian  languages,  and  to  arrange 
in  systematic  order,  the  numerous  dialects  of  this  er 
ratic  people.  The  results  of  the  investigation  of  one  * 
of  the  most  learned  and  profound  of  these  individuals, 
may  be  summed  up  in  the  three  following  proposi 
tions  : 

*  Mr.  Duponceau, 


HISTORY    OF    THE 

1.  "That  the  American  languages  in  general,  are 
rich  in  words  and  in  grammatical  forms,  and  that  in 
therr  complicated  construction,  the  greatest  order,  meth 
od  and  regularity  prevail. 

2.  "  That  these  complicated  forms,  which  I  call  poly 
synthetic,  appear  to  exist  in  all  those  languages,  from 
Greenland  to  Cape  Horn. 

3.  "That  these   forms   appear  to   differ   essentially 
from  those  of  the  ancient  and  modern  languages  of  the 
old  hemisphere." 

In  a  late  learned  dissertation  *  on  this  subject,  it  is 
stated  that  in  nearly  the  whole  territory  contained  in 
the  United  States,  and  in  British  and  Russian  America, 
there  are  only  eight  great  families,  each  speaking  a  dis 
tinct  language,  subdivided  in  many  instances,  into  a 
number  of  dialects  belonging  to  the  same  stock.  These 
are  the  Eskimaux,  the  Athapascas  (or  Cheppeyans,) 
the  Black  Feet,  the  Sioux,  the  Algonkin-Lenape,  the 
Iroquois,  the  Cherokee,  and  the  Mobilian  or  Chahta- 
Muskhog.  The  Shawanoes  belong  to  the  Algonkin- 
Lenape  family,  and  speak  a  dialect  of  that  language. 
It  bears  a  strong  affinity  to  the  Mohican  and  the  Chippe- 
way,  but  more  especially  the  Kickapoo.  Valuable  vo 
cabularies  of  the  Shawanoe  language  have  been  given 
by  Johnston  and  by  Gallatin  in  their  contributions  to 
the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  which  may  be  con 
sulted  by  those  disposed  to  prosecute  the  study  of  this 
subject. 

The  Shawanoes  have  been  known  since  the  first  dis 
covery  of  this  country,  as  a  restless,  wandering  people, 
averse  to  the  pursuits  of  agriculture,  prone  to  war  and 
the  chase.  They  have,  within  that  period,  successively 
occupied  the  southern  shore  of  lake  Erie,  the  banks  of 
the  Ohio  and  Mississippi,  portions  of  Georgia,  Florida, 
Tennessee,  Kentucky,  and  eastern  Pennsylvania ;  then 
again  the  plains  of  Ohio,  and  now  the  small  remnant 
of  them  that  remains,  are  established  west  of  Missouri 
and  Arkansas.  They  have  been  involved  in  numerous 
bloody  wars  with  other  tribes ;  and  for  near  half  a  cen 
tury,  resisted  with  a  bold,  ferocious  spirit,  and  an  in- 


Mr.  Gallatin. 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS,  21 

domitable  hatred,  the  progress  of  the  white  settlements 
in  Pennsylvania,  western  Virginia,  and  especially  Ken 
tucky.  The  Shawanoes  have  declined  more  rapidly  in 
numbers*  than  any  other  tribe  of  Indians  known  to  the 
whites.  This  has  been,  and  we  suppose  justly,  attribu 
ted  to  their  wandering  habits  and  their  continual  wars. 
Although  one  of  their  villages  is  said  once  to  have  con 
tained  four  thousand  souls,  their  present  number  does 
not  exceed  eighteen  hundred.  They  have  ever  been 
considered  a  courageous,  powerful  and  faithless  race ; 
who  have  claimed  for  themselves  a  pre-eminence  not 
only  over  other  tribes,  but  also  over  the  whites.!  Their 
views  in  regard  to  this  superiority  were  briefly  set 
forth  by  one  of  their  chiefs  at  a  convention  held  at  fort 
Wayne,  in  1803. 

"The  Master  of  Life,"  said  he,  "who  was  himself 
an  Indian,  made  the  Shawanoes  before  any  other  of 
the  human  race  ;  and  they  sprang  from  his  brain :  he 
gave  them  all  the  knowledge  he  himself  possessed,  and 
placed  them  upon  the  great  island,  and  all  the  other 
red  people  are  descended  from  the  Shawanoes.  After 
he  had  made  the  Shawanoes,  he  made  the  French  and 
English  out  of  his  breast,  the  Dutch  out  of  his  feet,  and 
the  long-knives  out  of  his  hands.  All  these  inferior 
races  of  men  he  made  white^and  placed  them  beyond 
the  stinking  lake.  J 

"  The  Shawanoes  fo ;  many  ages  continued  to  be 
masters  of  the  continent,  using  the  knowledge  they  had 
received  from  the  Great  Spirit  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
be  pleasing  to  him,  and  to  secure  their  own  happiness. 
In  a  great  length  of  time,  however,  they  became  cor 
rupt,  and  the  Master  of  Life  told  them  that  he  would 
take  away  from  them  the  knowledge  which  they  pos 
sessed,  and  give  it  to  the  white  people,  to  be  restored, 
when  by  a  return  to  good  principles  they  would  de 
serve  it.  Many  ages  after  that,  they  saw  something 
white  approaching  their  shores ;  at  first  they  took  it  for 
a  great  bird,  but  they  soon  found  it  to  be  P-.  monstrous 

*  John  Johnston. 

f  General  Harrison  considers  the  Shawanoes,  Delawares  and  Miamis, 
as  much  superior  to  the  other  tribes  of  the  west. 
}  Atlantic  Ocean. 

.      * 


22  HISTORY    OP    THE 

canoe  filled  with  the  very  people  who  had  got  the 
knowledge  which  belonged  to  the  Shawanoes.  After 
these  white  people  landed,  they  were  not  content  with 
having  the  knowledge  which  belonged  to  the  Shawa 
noes,  but  they  usurped  their  lands  also ;  they  preten 
ded,  indeed,  to  have  purchased  these  lands ;  but  the 
very  goods  they  gave  for  them,  were  more  the  property 
of  the  Indians  than  the  white  people,  because  the 
knowledge  which  enabled  them  to  manufacture  these 
goods  actually  belonged  to  the  Shawanoes :  but  these 
things  will  soon  have  an  end.  The  Master  of  Life  is 
about  to  restore  to  the  Shawanoes  both  their  know 
ledge  and  their  rights,  and  he  will  trample  the  long 
knives  under  his  feet." 

It  has  been  already  stated  that,  for  a  series  of  years, 
the  several  tribes  of  Indians  residing  in  the  territory 
now  forming  the  state  of  Ohio,  made  violent  opposition 
to  the  settlement  of  the  whites,  west  of  the  Alleghanies. 
Among  the  most  formidable  of  these  were  the  Shawa 
noes.  The  emigrants,  whether  male  or  female,  old  or 
young,  were  every  where  met  by  the  torch,  the  tom 
ahawk  and  the  scalping-knife.  The  war-cry  of  the 
savage  was  echoed  from  shore  to  shore  of  the  beautiful 
Ohio,  whose  waters  were  but  too  often  reddened  with 
the  blood  of  women  and  children.  Many  of  those  who 
escaped  the  perils  of  the  river,  and  had  reared  their  log- 
cabins  amid  the  cane-brakes  of  Kentucky,  were  doom 
ed  to  encounter  the  same  ruthless  foe,  and  fell  victims 
to  the  same  unrelenting  cruelty.  While  the  feelings 
are  shocked  at  these  dreadful  scenes  of  blood  and  car 
nage,  and  the  Indian  character  rises  in  hideous  defor 
mity  before  the  mind,  it  is  not  to  be  forgotten  that  there 
are  many  mitigating  circumstances  to  be  pleaded  in 
behalf  of  the  aborigines.  They  were  an  ignorant  peo 
pie,  educated  alone  for  war,  without  the  lights  of  civil 
ization,  without  the  attributes  of  mercy  shed  abroad  by 
the  spirit  of  Christianity.  They  were  contending  for 
their  homes  and  their  hunting  grounds — the  tombs  of 
their  forefathers — the  graves  of  their  children.  They 
saw  the  gradual,  but  certain,  encroachments  of  the 
whites  upon  their  lands ;  and  they  had  the  sagacity  to 
perceive,  that  unless  this  mighty  wave  of  emigration 


SHAWANOE  INDIANS.  23 

was  arrested,  it  would  overwhelm  them.  They  fought 
as  savage  nature  will  fight,  with  unflinching  courage  and 
unrelenting  cruelty.  But  it  was  not  alone  this  encroach 
ment  upon  their  lands,  which  roused  their  savage  pas 
sions.  The  wanton  aggressions  of  the  whites  oftentimes 
provoked  the  fearful  retaliation  of  the  red-man.  The 
policy  of  the  United  States  towards  the  Indians  has 
generally  been  of  a  pacific  and  benevolent  character; 
but,  in  carrying  out  that  policy,  there  have  been  many 
signal  and  inexcusable  failures.  The  laws  enacted  by 
congress  for  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  the  Indians, 
and  to  promote  their  comfort  and  civilization,  have,  in 
a  great  variety  of  cases,  remained  a  dead  letter  upon 
the  statute  book.  The  agents  of  the  government  have 
often  proved  unfaithful,  and  have  looked  much  more  to 
their  own  pecuniary  interests,  than  to  the  honest  execu 
tion  of  the  public  trusts  confided  to  them.  Nor  is  this 
all.  There  has  ever  been  found  upon  the  western 
frontiers,  a  band  of  unprincipled  men  who  have  set  at 
defiance  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  debauched  the 
Indians  with  ardent  spirits,  cheated  them  of  their  prop 
erty,  and  then  committed  upon  them  aggressions  marked 
with  all  the  cruelty  and  wanton  bloodshed  which  have 
distinguished  the  career  of  the  savage.  The  history  of 
these  aggressions  would  fill  a  volume.  It  is  only  ne 
cessary  to  recall  to  the  mind  of  the  reader,  the  horrible 
murder  of  the  Conestoga  Indians,  in  December  1763, 
by  some  Pennsylvania's ;  the  dark  tragedy  enacted  on 
the  banks  of  he  Muskingum,  at  a  later  period,  when 
the  Moravian  Indians,  at  the  three  villages  of  Schoen- 
brun,  Salem,  and  Gnadenhuetten,  were  first  disarmed 
and  then  deliberately  tomahawked  by  Williamson  and 
his  associates ;  the  unprovoked  murder  of  the  family 
of  Logan ;  the  assassination  of  Bald  Eagle,  of  the  gal 
lant  and  high-souled  Cornstalk,  and  his  son  Elinipsico: 
we  need  but  recall  these,  from  the  long  catalogue  of 
similar  cases,  to  satisfy  every  candid  mind,  that  rapine, 
cruelty  and  a  thirst  for  human  blood  are  not  peculiarly 
the  attributes  of  the  American  Indian. 

But  there  are  still  other  causes  which  have  aroused 
and  kept  in  activity,  the  warlike  passions  of  the  Indi 
ans,  They  have  been  successively  subjected  to  English, 


24  HISTOR7    OF    THE 

Dutch,  French  and  Spanish  influence.  The  agents  of 
these  different  powers,  as  well  as  the  emigrants  from 
them,  either  from  interest  or  a  spirit  of  mischievous 
hostility,  have  repeatedly  prompted  the  Indians  to  arm 
themselves  against  the  United  States.  The  great  prin 
ciple  of  the  Indian  wars,  for  the  last  seventy  years,  has 
been  the  preservation  of  their  lands.  On  this,  the 
French,  English  and  Spanish  have  in  turn  excited  them 
to  active  resistance  against  the  expanding  settlement 
of  the  whites.  It  was  on  the  principle  of  recovering 
their  lands,  that  the  French  were  their  allies  between 
the  commencement  of  hostilities  with  the  colonies,  in 
1754,  and  the  peace  of  1762;  and  subsequently  kept 
up  an  excitement  among  them  until  the  beginning  of 
the  revolution.  From  this  period,  the  English  took  the 
place  of  the  French,  and  instigated  them  in  a  similar 
manner.  Their  views  and  feelings  on  this  point,  may 
be  gathered  from  their  own  words : 

"  It  was  we,"  say  the  Delawares,  Mohicans  and  their 
kindred  tribes,  «  who  so  kindly  received  the  Europeans 
on  their  first  arrival  into  our  own  country.  We  took 
them  by  the  hand  and  bid  them  welcome  to  sit  down 
by  our  side,  and  live  with  us  as  brothers ;  but  how  did 
they  requite  our  kindness  ?  They  at  first  asked  only 
for  a  little  land,  on  which  to  raise  bread  for  their  fam 
ilies,  and  pasture  for  their  cattle,  which  we  freely  gave 
them.  They  saw  the  game  in  the  woods,  which  the 
Great  Spirit  had  given  us  for  our  subsistence,  and  they 
wanted  it  too.  They  penetrated  into  the  woods  in 
quest  of  game,  they  discovered  spots  of  land  they  also 
wanted,  and  because  we  were  loth  to  part  with  it,  as  we 
-saw  they  had  already  more  than  they  had  need  of,  they 
took  it  from  us  by  force,  and  drove  us  to  a  great  dis7 
tance  from  our  homes."* 

It  is  matter  of  history,  that  for  a  period  of  near  sev 
enty  years  after  it  was  planted,  the  colony  of  William 
Penn  lived  in  peace  and  harmony  with  the  neighbor 
ing  Indians,  among  whom  were  bands  of  the  warlike 
Shawanoes.  It  was  an  observation  of  this  venerable 
and  worthy  man,  when  speaking  of  the  Indians,  that 

*  Heckewekler's  historical  account  of  the  Indians, 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  25 

"if  you  do  not  abuse  them,  but  let  them  have  justice, 
you  will  win  them,  when  there  is  such  a  knowledge  of 
good  and  evil.7'  His  kind  treatment  to  them  was  re 
paid  by  friendly  offices,  both  to  himself  and  his  follow 
ers.  The  Indians  became  indeed  the  benefactors  of  the 
colonists.  When  the  latter  were  scattered  in  1682,  and 
without  shelter  or  food,  they  were  kind  and  attentive, 
and  treated  them  as  brothers.* 

Proud,  in  his  History  of  Pennsylvania,  when  ex 
plaining  the  aversion  of  the  Indians  to  Christianity, 
attributes  it  to  the  character  and  conduct  of  the  whites 
residing  near  or  among  them,  "many  of  whom  were 
of  the  lowest  rank  and  least  informed  of  mankind,  who 
flowed  in  from  Germany,  Ireland  and  the  jails  of  Great 
Britain,  or  who  had  fled  from  the  better  inhabited  parts 
of  the  colony,  to  escape  from  justice."  The  proceed 
ings  of  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  show  that,  as 
early  as  1722,  an  Indian  was  barbarously  killed  by 
some  whites,  within  the  limits  of  the  province.  The 
assembly  proposed  some  measures  for  the  governor's 
consideration  in  regard  to  the  affair ;  and  mentioned 
the  repeated  requests  of  the  Indians,  that  strong  liquors 
should  not  be  carried  nor  sold  among  them.  In  a  trea 
tise  published  in  London,  in  1759,  on  the  cause  of  the 
then  existing  difficulties  between  the  Indians  and  the 
colonists,  we  find  this  paragraph.  "  It  would  be  too 
shocking  to  describe  the  conduct  and  behavior  of  the 
traders,  when  among  the  Indians ;  and  endless  to  enu 
merate  the  abuses  the  Indians  received  and  bore  from 
them,  for  a  series  of  years.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that 
several  of  the  tribes  were,  at  last,  weary  of  bearing ; 
and,  as  these  traders  were  the  persons  who  were, 
in  some  part,  the  representatives  of  the  English  among 
the  Indians,  and  by  whom  they  were  to  judge  of  our 
manners  and  religion,  they  conceived  such  invincible 
prejudices  against  both,  particularly  our  holy  religion, 
that  when  Mr.  Sargeant,  a  gentleman  in  New  England, 
took  a  journey  in  1741,  to  the  Shawanoes  and  some 
other  tribes  living  on  the  Susquehanna,  and  offered  to 
instruct  them  in  the  Christian  religion,  they  rejected 


*  Clarkson's  Life  of  Perm. 

c 


26  HISTORY    OF    THE 

his  offer  with  disdain.  They  reproached  Christianity. 
They  told  him  the  traders  would  lie  and  cheat."  In 
1 744,  governor  Thomas,  in  a  message  to  the  assembly 
of  Pennsylvania,  says,  "  I  cannot  but  be  apprehensive 
that  the  Indian  trade,  as  it  is  now  carried  on,  will  in 
volve  us  in  some  fatal  quarrel  with  the  Indians.  Our 
traders,  in  defiance  of  the  laws,  carry  spirituous  liquors 
among  them,  and  take  advantage  of  their  inordinate 
appetite  for  it,  to  cheat  them  of  their  skins,  and  their 
wampum,  which  is  their  money."  In  1753  governor 
Hamilton  appointed  Richard  Peters,  Isaac  Norris  and 
Benjamin  Franklin,  to  hold  a  treaty  with  the  Indians 
at  Carlisle,  Pennsylvania.  In  the  report  of  these  com 
missioners  they  say:  "But  in  justice  to  these  Indians, 
and  the  promises  we  made  them,  we  cannot  close  our 
report,  without  taking  notice,  that  the  quantity  of  strong 
liquors  sold  to  these  Indians,  in  the  places  of  their  res 
idence,  and  during  their  hunting  season,  have  increased 
to  an  inconceivable  degree,  so  as  to  keep  these  poor 
creatures  continually  under  the  force  of  liquors,  that 
they  are  thereby  become  dissolute,  enfeebled  and  indo 
lent  when  sober ;  and  untractable  and  mischievous  in 
their  liquor,  always  quarreling,  and  often  murdering 
one  another."  Some  of  the  chiefs  at  this  treaty  said, 
"these  wicked  whisky -sellers,  when  they  have  once  got 
the  Indians  in  liquor,  make  them  sell  their  very  clothes 
from  their  backs.  In  short,  if  this  practice  is  continued, 
we  must  be  inevitably  ruined  ;  we  most  earnestly,  there 
fore,  beseech  you  to  remedy  it."* 

This  brief  sketch  of  the  early  intercourse  between 
the  colonists  and  the  aborigines  of  this  country,  is  not 
over-drawn,  nor  is  it  at  all  inapplicable  to  the  period 
which  has  elapsed  since  the  formation  of  the  federal 
government.  With  an  insatiable  cupidity  and  a  wan 
ton  disregard  of  justice,  have  the  lands  and  property  of 
the  Indians  been  sought  by  citizens  of  the  United  States. 
The  great  agent  of  success  in  this  unholy  business,  has 
been  ardent  spirits,  by  means  of  which  their  savage  rea 
son  has  been  overthrown,  and  their  bad  passions  called 
into  action.  The  class  of  reckless  and  desperate  charac- 

,    *  Frond's  History  of  Pennsylvania. 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  27 

ters,  described  by  Proud,  have  hung  upon  the  western 
frontiers,  for  the  purpose  of  preying  upon  the  Indians. 
If  government  itself  be  not  to  blame,  for  want  of  good 
faith  towards  this  miserable  race,  is  it  not  highly  culpa 
ble  for  not  having,  by  the  strong  arm  of  physical  power, 
enforced  the  salutary  laws,  which  from  time  to  time, 
have  been  enacted  for  their  protection  ?  Impartial  pos 
terity  will,  we  apprehend,  answer  this  question  in  the 
affirmative. 

The  Shawanoes  engaged  in  the  war  between  the 
French  and  English,  which  commenced  in  1755,  and 
was  terminated  by  the  peace  of  10th  February,  1763. 
In  this  contest  they  took  sides  with  the  former,  and 
rendered  them  essential  service.  They  committed  many 
depredations  on  the  frontier  settlements  of  Pennsylva 
nia  and  Virginia.  The  peace  of  1763,  between  France 
and  England,  did  not  terminate  the  Indian  war  against 
the  colonies.  The  Indians  were  displeased  with  the 
provisions  of  this  treaty,  especially  that  which  ceded 
the  provinces  of  Canada  to  Great  Britain.  This  dis 
satisfaction  was  increased  when  the  British  government 
began  to  build  forts  on  the  Susquehanna,  and  to  repair 
or  erect  those  of  Bedford,  Ligonier,  Pittsburg,  Detroit, 
Presque  Isle,  St.  Joseph  and  Michilimakinac.  By  this 
movement  the  Indians  found  themselves  surrounded, 
on  two  sides,  by  a  cordon  of  forts,  and  were  threatened 
with  an  extension  of  them  into  the  very  heart  of  their 
country.  They  had  now  to  choose  whether  they  would 
remove  to  the  north  and  west,  negociate  with  the  British 
government  for  the  possession  of  their  own  land,  or  take 
up  arms  for  its  delence.  They  chose  the  last  alter 
native;  and,  a  war  of  extermination  against  the  Eng 
lish  residents  in  the  western  country,  and  even  those 
on  the  Susquehanna,  was  agreed  upon  and  speedily 
commenced.  Many  of  the  British  traders  living  among 
the  Indians  were  murdered;  the  forts  of  Presque  Isle, 
St.  Joseph  and  Mackinac,  were  taken,  with  a  general 
slaughter  of  their  garrisons;  while  the  forts  of  Bedford, 
Ligonier,  Niagara,  Detroit  and  Pitt,  were  barely  pre 
served  from  falling  into  their  hands.  The  contest  was 
continued  with  resolute  and  daring  spirit,  and  with 
much  destruction  of  life  and  property,  until  December, 


28  HISTORY    OP    THE 

1764,  when  the  war  was  brought  to  a  close  by  a  treaty 
at  the  German  Flats,  made  between  Sir  William  John 
ston  and  the  hostile  Indians.  Soon  after  the  conclu 
sion  of  this  peace  the  Shawanoes  became  involved  in 
a  war  with  the  Cherokees,  which  continued  until  1768, 
when,  pressed  hard  by  the  united  force  of  the  former 
tribe  and  the  Delawares,  the  southern  Indians  solicit 
cd  and  obtained  a  peace.*  For  the  ensuing  six  years, 
the  Shawanoes  remained  quiet,  living  on  amicable 
terms  with  the  whites  on  the  frontiers  :  in  April,  1774 
however,  hostilities  between  these  parties  were  re 
newed. 

It  is  not  our  purpose  in  the  present  sketch  of  this 
tribe,  to  present  a  detail  of  all  their  conflicts  with  the 
whites;  but  the  "Dunmore  war,"  (as  it  is  generally 
called,)  of  1774,  having  been  mainly  prosecuted  by 
Shawanoes,  one  of  their  distinguished  chiefs  having 
commanded  in  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  and  another, 
Puckecheno,  (the  father  of  Tecumseh,)  having  fallen  in 
this  engagement,  would  seem  to  render  a  full  account 
of  the  border  feuds  of  this  year,  not  out  of  place  in  the 
present  narrative. 

In  the  latter  part  of  April,  1774,  a  report  that  the 
Indians  had  stolen  some  horses,  from  the  vicinity  of 
Wheeling,  alarmed  the  whites  who  were  making  settle 
ments  on  the  Ohio  below  that  place.  For  greater  safety 
they  immediately  assembled  on  Wheeling  creek,  and 
learning  that  two  Indians  were  with  some  traders  above 
the  town,  they  went  up  the  river,  and  without  stopping 
to  enquire  as  to  their  guilt,  deliberately  put  them  to 
death.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  they  found 
a  party  of  Indians  on  the  Ohio,  below  Wheeling  creek, 
on  whom  they  fired,  and  killed  several.  The  Indians 
returned  the  fire  and  wounded  one  of  the  assailing 
party.  It  is  admitted  by  all  the  authorities  on  this  sub 
ject,  that  the  two  Indians  killed  above  Wheeling,  were 
shot  by  men  under  the  command  of  colonel  Michael 
Cresap.  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  states 
that  the  second  attack,  in  which  one  of  Logan's  fami 
ly  is  alleged  to  have  been  killed,  was  also  headed  by 

*  Thatcher's  Indian  Biography. 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  29 

Cresap ;  and,  in  this  he  is  sustained  by  Doddridge, 
Heckewelder  and  others ;  but  it  is  denied  by  Jacob. 
"  Pursuing  these  examples,"  says  Mr.  Jefferson, «  Daniel 
Greathouse  and  one  Tomlinson,  who  lived  on  the  op 
posite  side  of  the  river  from  the  Indians,  and  were  in 
habits  of  friendship  with  them,  collected  at  the  house  of 
Polk,  on  Cross  creek,  about  sixteen  miles  from  Baker's 
bottom,  a  party  of  thirty-two  men.  Their  object  was  to 
attack  a  minting  party  of  Indians,  consisting  of  men, 
women  and  children,  at  the  mouth  of  Yellow  creek, 
some  distance  above  Wheeling.  They  proceeded,  and 
when  arrived  near  Baker's  bottom  they  concealed  them 
selves,  and  Greathouse  crossed  the  river  to  the  Indian 
carnp.  Being  among  them  as  a  friend,  he  counted  them 
and  found  them  too  strong  for  an  open  attack  with  his 
force.  While  here,  he  was  cautioned  by  one  of  the 
women  not  to  stay,  for  that  the  Indian  men  were  drink 
ing  ;  and  having  heard  of  Cresap's  murder  of  their  re 
latives  at  Grave  creek,  were  angry;  and  she  pressed 
him  in  a  friendly  manner  to  go  home ;  whereupon,  after 
inviting  them  to  come  over  and  drink,  he  returned  to 
Baker's,  which  was  a  tavern,  and  desired  that  when  any 
of  them  should  come  to  his  house,  he  would  give  them 
as  much  rum  as  they  could  drink.  When  this  plot  was 
ripe,  and  a  sufficient  number  of  them  had  collected  at 
Baker's  and  become  intoxicated,  he  and  his  party  fell 
on  them  and  massacred  the  whole  except  a  little  girl, 
whom  they  preserved  as  a  prisoner.  Among  them  was 
the  very  woman  who  had  saved  his  life  by  pressing 
him  to  retire  from  the  drunken  wrath  of  her  friends, 
when  he  was  playing  the  spy  in  their  camp  at  Yellow 
creek.  Either  she  herself  or  some  other  one  of  the 
murdered  women  was  the  sister  of  Logan ;  there  were 
others  of  his  relations  who  fell  at  the  same  time.  The 
party  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  upon  hearing 
the  report  of  the  guns,  became  alarmed  for  their  friends 
at  Baker's  house,  immediately  manned  two  canoes  and 
sent  them  over.  They  were  met  by  a  five  from  Great- 
house's  party,  as  they  approached  the  shore,  which  kill 
ed  some,  wounded  others,  and  obliged  the  remairide* 
to  return.  Baker  subsequently  stated,  that  six  or  eigh 
were  wounded  and  twelve  killed. 


;JO  HiSToitr  OF  THJ-: 

The  settlers  along  the  frontier,  satisfied  that  the  In. 
dians  would  retaliate  upon  them,  for  these  unprovoked 
aggressions,  either  returned  to  the  interior  of  the  coun 
try,  or  gathered  in  forts,  and  made  preparation  for  re 
sistance.  The  assembly  of  the  colony  of  Virginia  being 
then  in  session,  an  express  was  sent  to  the  seat  of  gov 
ernment,  announcing  the  commencement  of  hostilities 
with  the  Indians,  and  asking  assistance.  In  the  month 
of  May,  the  excitement  among  the  Indians  was  still 
further  increased  by  the  murder  of  the  Delaware  sa 
chem,  "Bald  Eagle,"  and  the  wounding  of  "Silver 
Heels,"  a  popular  chief  of  the  Shawanoe  tribe.  Bald 
Eagle  was  an  aged,  harmless  man,  who  was  in  the 
habit  of  visiting  the  whites  on  the  most  friendly  terms. 
At  the  period  of  his  death,  he  was  returning  alone,  in 
his  canoe,  from  a  visit  to  the  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Kanawha.  The  individual  who  committed  the  murder, 
having  scalped  him,  placed  the  body  in  a  sitting  pos 
ture  in  the  canoe  and  suffered  it  to  float  down  the 
stream,  in  which  condition  it  was  found  by  the  Indians. 
Mstilver  Heels  was  returning  from  Albany  to  the  Ohio, 
having  been  to  that  city  as  the  voluntary  escort  of  some 
white  traders,  who  were  fleeing  from  the  frontiers.  He 
was  fired  upon  and  dangerously  wounded  while  cross 
ing  Big  Beaver  in  a  canoe.  Such  were  some  of  the 
causes  which  called  into  action  the  vindictive  feelings 
of  the  Indians. 

The  distinguished  Mingo  chief,  Logan,  was  roused 
to  action  by  the  murder  of  his  relatives  at  Yellow  creek; 
and  in  the  course  of  the  summer,  led  some  war  parties 
against  the  whites,  and  destroyed  several  families.  The 
Earl  of  Dunmore,  then  governor  of  the  colony  of  Vir 
ginia,  made  arrangements  for  a  campaign  against  the 
Indians,  but  it  was  not  until  September,  that  his  forces 
were  brought  into  the  field.  He  ordered  three  regi 
ments  to  be  raised  west  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  the  com 
mand  of  which  was  given  to  general  Andrew  Lewis. 
A.  similar  army  was  assembled  from  the  interior,  the 
command  of  which  the  Earl  assumed  in  person.  The 
mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha.  was  the  point  at  which 
these  two  divisions  of  the  army  were  to  meet ;  from 
whence,  under  the  command  of  governor  Dunmore, 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  '31 

they  were  to  march  against  the  Indian  towns  on  lha 
north  side  of  the  Ohio.  General  Lewis'  division  amount 
ed  to  eleven  hundred  men,  most  of  whom  were  accus 
tomed  to  danger,  and  with  their  officers,  familiar  with 
the  modes  of  Indian  warfare.  On  the  eleventh  of  Sep 
tember,  general  Lewis  moved  from  his  camp,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Lewisburg,  and  after  a  march  of  nineteen 
days,  traversing  a  wilderness  through  the  distance  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty-five  miles,  he  reached  the  mouth 
of  the  Kanawha,  and  made  an  encampment  at  that 
point.  Here  he  waited  several  days  for  the  arrival  of 
governor  Dunmore,  who,  with  the  division  under  his 
command,  was  to  have  met  him  at  this  place.  Disap 
pointed  in  not  hearing  from  Dunmore,  general  Lewis 
despatched  some  scouts,  over  land  to  Pittsburg,  to  ob 
tain  intelligence  of  him.  On  the  ninth  of  October,  and 
before  the  return  of  these  scouts,  an  express  from  Dun- 
more  arrived  in  camp,  with  information  that  he  had 
changed  his  plan  of  operations ;  and  intended  to  march 
directly  against  the  Indian  towns  on  the  Scioto ;  and 
directing  general  Lewis  to  cross  the  Ohio  and  join  him. 
Preparations  were  making  to  obey  this  order,  when, 
about  sunrise,  on  the  morning  of  the  tenth,  a  large 
body  of  Indians  was  discovered  within  a  mile  of  the 
camp.  Two  detachments  were  ordered  out  by  general 
Lewis,  to  meet  the  enemy,  one  under  the  command  of 
colonel  Charles  Lewis,  the  other  under  colonel  Flem 
ing.  The  former  marched  to  the  right,  some  distance 
from  the  Ohio,  the  latter  to  the  left,  on  the  bank  of  that 
stream.  Colonel  Lewis  had  not  proceeded  half  a  mile 
from  the  camp,  when,  soon  after  sunrise,  his  front  line 
was  vigorously  attacked  by  the  united  tribes  of  the 
Shawanoes,  Delawares,  Mingoes,  loways,  and  some 
others,  in  number  between  eight  hundred  and  one 
thousand.  At  the  commencement  of  the  attack,  colo 
nel  Lewis  received  a  wound,  which  in  the  course  of  a 
few  hours  proved  fatal:  several  of  his  men  were  killed 
at  the  same  time,  and  his  division  was  forced  to  fall 
back.  In  about  a  minute  after  the  attack  upon  Lewis, 
the  enemy  engaged  the  front  of  the  other  division,  on 
the  bank  of  the  Ohio,  and  in  a  short  time,  colonel  Flem 
ing,  the  leader  of  it,  was  severely  wounded,  and  com- 


32  HISTORY    OF    THE 

pelled  to  retire  to  the  camp.  Colonel  Lewis'  division 
having  now  been  reinforced  from  the  camp,  pressed 
upon  the  Indians  until  they  had  fallen  back  in  a  line 
with  Fleming's  division.  During  this  time,  it  being 
now  twelve  o'clock,  the  action  continued  with  unabat 
ed  severity.  The  close  underwood,  the  ravines  and 
fallen  trees,  favored  the  Indians;  and  while  the  bravest 
of  their  warriors  fought  from  behind  these  coverts, 
others  were  throwing  their  dead  into  the  Ohio,  and 
carrying  off  their  wounded.  In  their  slow  retreat,  the 
Indians,  about  one  o'clock,  gained  a  very  advantageous 
position,  from  which  it  appeared  to  our  officers  so  dif 
ficult  to  dislodge  them,  that  it  was  deemed  advisable  to 
maintain  the  line  as  then  formed,  which  was  about  a 
mile  and  a  quarter  in  length.  In  this  position,  the  ac 
tion  was  continued,  with  more  or  less  severity,  until 
sundown,  when,  night  coming  on,  the  Indians  effected 
a  safe  retreat.* 

McClung,  in  his  valuable  Sketches  of  Western  Ad 
venture,  in  describing  this  sanguinary  battle,  speaks  of 
the  Indians  righting  from  behind  a  breastwork  ;  Stone, 
in  his  Life  of  Brant,  says  the  Indians  were  forced  to 
avail  themselves  of  a  rude  breastwork  of  logs  and 
brushwood,  which  they  had  taken  the  precaution  to 
construct  for  the  occasion.  There  must  be  some  mis 
take  in  regard  to  this  breastwork,  as  it  is  evident  from 
the  circumstances  of  the  case,  that  the  Indians  could 
not,  before  the  battle,  have  erected  one  so  near  the  camp 
without  discovery  ;  and  after  the  action  commenced,  it 
was  too  fiercely  prosecuted  for  a  rampart  of  this  kind 
to  have  been  thrown  up. 

In  regard  to  the  number  killed  on  either  side,  there 
is  rro  very  certain  information.  Doddridge,  in  his 
Notes  on  the  Indian  wars,  places  the  number  of  whites 
killed  in  this  action  at  seventy -five,  and  the  wounded 
at  one  hundred  and  forty.  Campbell,  in  his  History  of 
Virginia,  says  the  number  of  whites  who  were  killed 
was  upwards  of  fifty,  and  that  ninety  were  wounded, 
which  is  probably  near  the  truth.  The  Indian  force 
engaged  in  this  action  has  been  estimated  by  different 

*  Official  Report,  xii.  vol.,  Niles  Register. 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  33 

writers,  at  from  eight  hundred  to  fifteen  hundred  men. 
It  is  probable  that  the  number  did  not  exceed  eight 
hundred.  They  were  led  on  by  some  bold  and  warlike 
chiefs,  among  them  Cornstalk,  Logan,  Elenipsico,  Red 
Eagle,  and  Packishenoah,  the  last  of  whom  was  killed. 
Cornstalk,  the  chief  in  command,  was  conspicuous  for 
his  bravery,  and  animated  his  followers  in  tones  which 
rose  above  the  clash  of  arms ;  and  when  a  retreat  be 
came  necessary,  conducted  it  so  successfully  and  with 
so  much  delay,  as  to  give  his  men  an  opportunity  of 
bearing  off  all  their  wounded  and  many  of  the  killed, 
whose  bodies  were  thrown  into  the  river.  The  loss  of 
the  Indians  was  never  ascertained.  One  of  the  histo 
rians  already  quoted,  speaks  of  it  as  "  comparatively 
trifling."  The  character  of  our  troops,  many  of  whom 
were  experienced  woods-men,  familiar  with  Indian  fight 
ing,  the  long  continuance  of  the  action — from  the  rising 
to  the  going  down  of  the  sun — the  equality  in  numbers 
and  position  of  the  contending  parties,  the  known  usage 
of  the  Indians  in  hiding  their  dead  and  carrying  off  tho 
wounded,  the  number  of  killed  found  on  the  battle 
ground  the  following  day,  and  the  severe  loss  of  the 
Virginians,  all  forbid  the  idea  that  the  loss  of  the  ene 
my  could  have  been  trifling.  The  Ohio  and  Kanawha 
rivers  afforded  them  opportunities  for  concealing  their 
dead,  while  the  plan  of  retreat, — alternately  giving 
ground  and  renewing  the  attack, — was  no  doubt  adop 
ted  for  the  purpose  o*f  gaining  time  to  remove  the 
wounded  across  the  Ohio.  It  is  fair  to  assume  that  the 
loss  of  the  Indians  was  not  far  short  of  that  sustained 
by  the  whites. 

All  circumstances  considered,  this  battle  may  be  rank 
ed  among  the  most  memorable,  and  well  contested, 
that  has  been  fought  on  this  continent.  The  leaders, 
on  either  side,  were  experienced  and  able,  the  soldiers 
skilful  and  brave.  The  victorious  party,  if  either  could 
be  so  called,  had  as  little  to  boast  of  as  the  vanquished. 
It  was  alike  creditable  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  the  abo 
riginal  arms. 

After  the  Indians  had  recrossed  the  Ohio,  they  march 
ed  to  the  valley  of  the  Scioto,  and  encamped  on  the 
east  side  of  that  stream,  about  eight  miles  north  of 


.'M  HISTORY    OF    THE 

where  Chiilicothe  now  stands.  Here  a  council 
held  to  decide  upon  their  future  moveme.nts.  Corn 
stalk,  although  true  to  the  interests  of  the  Shawanoes, 
was  the  friend  of  peace,  and  had  been  opposed  to  mak 
ing  the  attack  on  the  troops  of  general  Lewis.  Being 
overruled,  he  entered  into  the  action  determined  to  do 
his  duty.  He  now  rose  in  the  council  and  demanded, 
"  What  shall  we  do  now  ?  The  Long  Knives  are 
coming  'upon  us  by  two  routes.  Shall  we  turn  out 
and  fight  them?"  No  reply  being  made  to  his  ques 
tions,  he  continued,  «  shall  we  kill  all  our  women  and 
children,  and  then  fight  until  we  are  all  killed  our 
selves  ?"  The  chiefs  were  still  silent.  Cornstalk  turn 
ed  round,  and  striking  his  tomahawk  into  the  war-post 
standing  in  the  midst  of  the  council,  said  with  his  char 
acteristic  energy  of  mariner,  "  Since  you  are  not  in 
clined  to  fight,  I  will  go  and  make  peace/'9 

In  the  meantime  the  earl  of  Dunmore, having  procured 
boats  at  fort  Pitt,  descended  the  river  to  Wheeling,  where 
the  army  halted  for  a  few  days,  and  then  proceeded 
down  the  river  in  about  one  hundred  canoes,  a  few 
keel  boats  and  perogues,  to  the  mouth  of  Hockhocking, 
and  from  thence  over  land,  until  the  army  had  got 
within  a  few  miles  of  the  Shawanoe  camp.  Here  the 
army  halted,  and  made  a  breastwork  of  fallen  trees, 
and  entrenchments  of  such  extent  as  to  include  about 
twelve  acres  of  ground,  with  an  enclosure  in  the  cen 
tre  containing  about  one  acre.  This  was  the  citadel, 
which  contained  the  markees  of  the  earl  and  his  supe 
rior  officers.*  Before  the  army  of  Dunmore  had  reach 
ed  this  point,  he  had  been  met  by  messengers  from  the 
Indians  suing  for  peace.  General  Lewis,  in  the  mean 
time,  did  not  remain  inactive.  The  day  after  the  bat 
tle  he  proceeded  to  bury  his  dead,  and  to  throw  up  a 
rude  entrenchment  around  his  camp,  and  appoint  a 
guard  ibr  the  protection  of  the  sick  and  wounded.  On 
the  succeeding  day  he  crossed  the  Ohio  with  his  army, 
and  commenced  his  march  through  a  trackless  desert, 
for  the  Shawanoe  towns  on  the  Scioto.  Governor  Dun- 
more,  having  determined  to  make  peace  with  the  In- 


*  Doddridge's  Indian  Wars, 


.         SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  35 

dians,  sent  an  express  to  general  Lewis,  ordering  him 
to  retreat  across  the  Ohio.  The  order  was  disregarded, 
and  the  march  continued  until  the  governor  in  person, 
met  the  general  and  peremptorily  repeated  it.  General 
Lewis  and  his  troops,  burning  with  a  desire  of  aveng 
ing  the  Indian  massacres,  and  the  loss  of  their  brave 
companions  in  the  late  battle,  reluctantly  obeyed  the 
command  of  Dunmore  ;  and  turned  their  faces  home 
wards.  When  the  governor  and  his  officers  had  re 
turned  to  their  camp,  on  the  following  day,  the  treaty 
with  the  Indians  was  opened.  For  fear  of  treachery, 
only  eighteen  Indians  were  permitted  to  attend  their 
chiefs  within  the  encampment,  and  they  were  required 
to  leave  their  arms  behind  them.  The  conference  was 
commenced  by  Cornstalk,  in  a  long,  bold  and  spirited 
speech,  in  which  the  white  people  were  charged  with 
being  the  authors  of  the  war,  by  their  aggressions  upon 
the  Indians  at  Captina  and  Yellow  creek.  Logan,  the 
celebrated  Mingo  chief,  refused  to  attend,  although  wil 
ling  to  make  peace.  His  influence  with  the  Indians 
made  it  important  to  secure  his  concurrence  in  the  propo 
sed  treaty.  Dunmore  sent  a  special  messenger,  (colonel 
John  Gibson,)  to  him.  They  met  alone  in  the  woods, 
where  Logan  delivered  to  him  his  celebrated  speech. 
Colonel  Gibson  wrote  it  down,  returned  to  Dunmore's 
camp,  read  the  speech  in  the, council,  and  the  terms  of 
the  peace  were  then  agreed  on.  What  those  terms 
were,  is  not  fully  known.  No  copy  of  the  treaty  can 
now  be  found,  although  diligent  enquiry  has  been  made 
for  it.  Burk,  in  his  History  of  Virginia,  says,  that  the 
peace  was  on  "condition  that  the  lands  on  this  side  of 
the  Ohio  should  be  for  ever  ceded  to  the  whites;  that 
their  prisoners  should  be  delivered  up,  and  that  four 
hostages  should  be  immediately  given  for  the  faithful 
performance  of  these  conditions."  Campbell,  in  his 
History  of  Virginia,  says,  the  Indians  "agreed  to  give 
up  their  lands  on  this  side  of  the  Ohio,  and  set  at  liber 
ty  their  prisoRers."  Butler,  in  his  History  of  Kentucky, 
remarks  that,  "  such  a  treaty  appears  at  this  day,  to  be 
utterly  beyond  the  advantages  which  could  have  been 
claimed  from  Dunmore's  expedition."  This  is  undoubt 
edly  a  reasonable  conclusion.  The  statement  in  Doc(-> 

I 


36  HISTORY    OF    THE 

dridge,  that  "  on  our  part  we  obtained  at  the  treaty  a 
cessation  of  hostilities  and  a  surrender  of  prisoners,  and 
nothing  more,"  is  most  probably  the  true  version  of  the 
terms  of  this  peace.  If  an  important  grant  of  land  had 
been  obtained  by  this  treaty,  copies  of  it  would  have 
been  preserved  in  the  public  archives,  and  references  in 
subsequent  treaties,  would  have  been  made  to  it ;  but 
such  seems  not  to  have  been  the  case.  The  conclusion 
must  be,  that  it  was  only  a  treaty  for  the  cessation  of 
hostilities  and  the  surrender  of  prisoners. 

There  have  been  various  speculations  as  to  the  caus 
es  which  induced  governor  Dunmore  to  order  the  re 
treat  of  the  army  under  general  Lewis,  before  the  trea 
ty  was  concluded.  However  desirous  of  a  peace,  the 
presence  of  an  additional  force  would  only  have  ren 
dered  that  result  more  certain.  It  was  believed  by 
some  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  and  the  opinion  has 
been  held  by  several  writers  since,  that  after  governor 
Dunmore  started  on  this  expedition,  he  was  advised  of 
the  strong  probability  of  a  war  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  colonies;  and  that  all  his  subsequent  measures 
were  shaped  with  a  reference  to  making  the  Indians  the 
allies  of  England  in  the  expected  contest.  On  this  sup 
position,  his  conduct  in  not  joining  general  Lewis  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Kanawha,  in  risking  his  own  detach 
ment  in  the  enemy's  country,  and  in  positively  forbid 
ding  the  other  wing  of  the  army  from  uniting  with  his, 
at  camp  Charlotte,  has  been  explained.  There  are 
certainly  plausible  grounds  for  believing  that  governor 
Dunmore  at  this  time,  had  more  at  heart  the  interests 
of  Great  Britain  than  of  the  colonies. 

Soon  after  the  conclusion  of  this  war,  the  Shawa- 
noes,  with  other  tribes  of  the  north-western  Indians, 
took  part  with  England  in  the  war  with  the  colonies ; 
nor  did  the  peace  of  1783  put  an  end  to  these  hostil 
ities.  The  settlement  of  the  valley  of  the  Ohio  by  the 
whites,  was  boldly  and  perseveringly  resisted ;  nor  was 
the  tomahawk  buried  by  the  Indians,  until  after  the 
decisive  battle  at  the  rapids  of  the  Miami  of  the  lakes, 
on  the  20th  of  August,  1794.  The  proximity  of  the 
Shawanoe  towns  to  the  Ohio  river — the  great  highway 
of  emigration  to  the  west — and  the  facility  with  which 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  37 

the  infant  settlements  in  Kentucky  could  be  reached, 
rendered  this  warlike  tribe  an  annoying  and  dangerous 
neighbor.  Led  on  by  some  daring  chiefs ;  fighting  for 
their  favorite  hunting-grounds,  and  stimulated  to  action 
by  British  agents,  the  Shawanoes,  for  a  series  of  years, 
pressed  sorely  upon  the  new  settlements ;  and  are  sup 
posed  to  have  caused  the  destruction  of  more  property 
and  a  greater  number  of  lives,  than  all  the  other  tribes 
of  the  north-west  united.  They  participated  in  most  of 
the  predatory  excursions  into  Kentucky.  They  were 
present  at  the  celebrated  attack  on  Bryant's  station ; 
they  fought  with  their  characteristic  bravery  ifl  the  bat- 
tie  of  the  Blue  Licks,  and  participated  in  colonel  Byrd's 
hostile  excursion  up  Licking  river,  and  the  destruction 
of  Martin's  and  Riddle's  stations.  In  turn,  they  were 
compelled  to  stand  on  the  defensive,  and  to  encounter 
the  gallant  Kentuckians  on  the  north  side  of  the  Ohio. 
Bowman's  expedition  in  1779,  to  the  waters  of  Mad 
river;  Clark's  in  1780  and  1782,  and  Logan's  in  1786, 
to  the  same  point;  Edwards'  in  1787,  to  the  head  wa 
ters  of  the  Big  Miami;  and  Todd's  in  1788,  into  the 
Scioto  valley — not  to  name  several  minor  ones — were 
chiefly  directed  against  the  Shawanoes;  and  resulted 
in  the  destruction  of  two  or  three  of  their  principal  vil 
lages,  but  not  without  a  fierce  and  bloody  resistance. 
The  Shawanoes  were  likewise  found  in  hostility  to  the 
United  States,  in  the  campaigns  of  Harmar,  St.  Clair 
and  Wayne.  They  united  in  the  treaty  of  Greenville, 
in  1795 ;  and  with  the  exception  of  a  few  who  fought 
at  Tippecanoe,  remained  at  peace  with  this  government 
until  the  war  with  Great  Britain,  in  1812,  in  which  a 
considerable  body  of  them  became  the  allies  of  the  lat 
ter  power.  Some  of  the  tribe,  however,  remained  neu 
tral  in  that  contest,  and  others  joined  the  United  States, 
and  continued  faithful  until  the  peace  of  1815. 

WEYAPIERSENWAH,  OR  BLUE  JACKET. 

IN  the  campaign  of  general  Harmar,  in  the  year 
1790,  Blue  Jacket — an  influential  Shawanoe  chief — 
was  associated  with  the  Miami  chief,  Little  Turtle,  in 
the  command  of  the  Indians.  In  the  battle  of  the  20th 

I) 


38  HISTORY    OF    THE 

of  August  1794,  when  the  combined  army  of  the  In* 
dians  was  defeated  by  general  Wayne,  Blue  Jacket 
had  the  chief  control.  The  night  previous  to  the  bat 
tle,  while  the  Indians  were  posted  at  Presqne  Isle,  a 
council  was  held,  composed  of  chiefs  from  the  Miamis, 
Potawatimies,  Delawares,  Shawanoes,  Chippewas,  Ot- 
tawas  and  Senecas — the  seven  nations  engaged  in  the 
action.  They  decided  against  the  proposition  to  attack 
general  Wayne  that  night  in  his  encampment.  The 
expediency  of  meeting  him  the  next  day  then  came  up 
for  consideration.  Little  Turtle  was  opposed  to  this 
measure,  but  being  warmly  supported  by  Blue  Jacket, 
it  was  finally  agreed  upon.  The  former  was  strongly 
inclined  to  peace,  and  decidedly  opposed  to  risking  a 
battle  under  the  circumstances  in  which  the  Indians 
were  then  placed.  "We  have  beaten  the  enemy." 
said  he,  "twice,  under  separate  commanders.  We 
cannot  expect  the  same  good  fortune  always  to  attend 
us.  The  Americans  are  now  led  by  a  chief  who  never 
sleeps.  The  night  and  the  day  are  alike  to  him ;  and, 
during  all  the  time  that  he  has  been  marching  upon 
our  villages,  notwithstanding  the  watchfulness  of  our 
young  men,  we  have  never  been  able  to  surprise  him. 
Think  well  of  it.  There  is  something  whispers  me,  it 
would  be  prudent  to  listen  to  his  offers  of  peace." 
The  councils  of  Blue  Jacket,  however,  prevailed  over 
the  better  judgment  of  Little  Turtle.  The  battle  was 
fought  and  the  Indians  defeated. 

In  the  month  of  October  following  this  defeat,  Blue 
Jacket  concurred  in  the  expediency  of  sueing  for  peace, 
and  at  the  head  of  a  deputation  of  chiefs,  was  about 
to  bear  a  flag  to  general  Wayne,  then  at  Greenville, 
when  the  mission  was  arrested  by  foreign  influence. 
Governor  Simcoe,  colonel  McKee  and  the  Mohawk 
chief,  captain  John  Brant,  having  in  charge  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  Mohawks  and  Messasagoes,  arrived  at 
the  rapids  of  the  Maumee,  and  invited  the  chiefs  of  the 
combined  army  to  meet  them  at  the  mouth  of  the  De 
troit  river,  on  the  10th  of  October.  To  this  Blue  Jack 
et  assented,  for  the  purpose  of  hearing  what  the  British 
officers  had  to  propose.  Governor  Simcoe  urged  the 
Indians  to  retain  their  hostile  attitude  towards  the  Uni- 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  o9 

ted  States.  In  referring  to  the  encroachments  of  the 
people  of  this  country  on  the  Indian  lands,  he  said, 
"Children:  I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  the  Ohio  is 
your  right  and  title.  I  have  given  orders  to  the  com 
mandant  of  fort  Miumi  to  fire  on  the  Americans  when 
ever  they  make  their  appearance  again.  I  will  go 
down  to  Quebec,  and  lay  your  grievances  before  the 
great  man.  From  thence  they  will  be  forwarded  to 
the  king,  your  father.  Next  spring  you  will  know  the 
result  of  every  thing  what  you  and  I  will  do."  He 
urged  the  Indians  to  obtain  a  cessation  of  hostilities, 
until  the  following  spring,  when  the  English  would  be 
ready  to  attack  the  Americans,  and  by  driving  them 
back  across  the  Ohio,  restore  their  lands  to  the  Indi 
ans.*  These  counsels  delayed  the  conclusion  of  peace 
until  the  following  summer. 

Blue  Jacket  was  present  at  the  treaty  of  Greenville 
in  1795,  and  conducted  himself  with  moderation  and 
dignity.  Upon  his  arrival  at  that  place,  in  excuse  for 
not  having  met  general  Wayne  at  an  earlier  period,  he 
said,  "  Brother,  when  I  came  here  last  winter,  I  did  not 
mean  to  deceive  you.  What  I  promised  you  I  did  in 
tend  to  perform.  My  wish  to  conclude  a  firm  peace 
with  you  being  sincere,  my  uneasiness  has  been  great 
that  my  people  have  not  come  forward  so  soon  as  you 
could  wish,  or  might  expect.  But  you  must  not  be 
discouraged  by  these  unfavorable  appearances.  Some 
of  our  chiefs  and  warriors  are  here ;  more  will  arrive 
in  a  few  days.  You  must  not,  however,  expect  to  see 
a  great  number.  Yet,  notwithstanding,  our  nation  will 
be  well  represented.  Our  hearts  are  open  and  void  of 
deceit." 

On  the  second  day  of  the  council,  Blue  Jacket  made 
a  remark,  showing  the  relation  subsisting  between  the 
Shawanoes  and  some  other  tribes,  to  which  allusion 
has  been  made  aCready. 

"Brothers  :  1  hope  you  will  not  take  amiss  my  chang 
ing  my  seat  in  this  council.  You  all  know  the  Wyan- 
dots  are  our  uncles,  and  the  Dela wares  our  grand- 

*  Ainer.  State  Papers,  vol.  5,  p.  529.  Stone's  Life  of  Brant,  vol.  2,  p. 
392. 


40  HISTORY    OP    THE 

fathers,  and  that  the  Shawanoes  are  the  elder  brothers 
of  the  other  nations  present.  It  is,  therefore,  proper 
that  I  should  sit  next  my  grandfathers  and  uncles.  1 
hope,  younger  brothers,  you  are  all  satisfied  with  what 
your  uncles  said  yesterday,  and  that  1  have  done  every 
thing  in  my  power  to  advise  and  support  you." 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  Blue  Jacket  rose  and 
said : 

"  Elder  Brother,  and  you,  my  brothers,  present :  you 
see  me  now  present  myself  as  a  war-chief  to  lay  down 
that  commission,  and  place  myself  in  the  rear  of  my 
village  chiefs,  who  for  the  future  will  command  me. 
Remember,  brothers,  you  have  all  buried  your  war 
hatchet.  Your  brothers,  the  Shawanoes,  now  do  the 
same  good  act.  We  must  think  of  war  no  more. 

"Elder  Brother:  you  see  now  all  the  chiefs  and 
warriors  around  you,  have  joined  in  the  good  work  of 
peace,  which  is  now  accomplished.  We  now  request 
you  to  inform  our  elder  brother,  general  Washington, 
of  it ;  and  of  the  cheerful  unanimity  which  has  marked 
their  determination.  We  wish  you  to  enquire  of  him 
if  it  would  be  agreeable  that  two  chiefs  from  each  na 
tion  should  pay  him  a  visit,  and  take  him  by  the  hand ; 
for  your  younger  brothers  have  a  strong  desire  to  see 
that  great  man  and  to  enjoy  the  pleasure  of  conversing 
with  him." 

We  are  indebted  to  major  Galloway  of  Xenia,  for 
the  following  anecdote  of  this  chief: 

"In  the  spring  of  1800,  Blue  Jacket  and  another 
chief,  whose  name  I  have  forgotten,  boarded  for  sev 
eral  weeks  at  my  father's,  in  Green  county,  at  the 
expense  of  a  company  of  Kentuckians,  who  engaged 
Blue  Jacket,  for  a  valuable  consideration,  to  show  them 
a  great  silver  mine,  which  tradition  said  was  known  to 
the  Indians,  as  existing  on  Red  river,  one  of  the  head 
branches  of  the  Kentucky.  A  Mr.  Jonathan  Flack, 
agent  of  this  company,  had  previously  spent  several 
months  among  the  Shawanoes,  at  their  towns  and 
hunting  camps,  in  order  to  induce  this  chief  to  show 
this  great  treasure.  At  the  time  agreed  on,  ten  or 
twelve  of  the  company  came  from  Kentucky  to  meet 
Blue  Jacket  at  my  father's,  where  a  day  or  two  was 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  41 

spent  in  settling  the  terms  upon  which  he  would  ac 
company  them;  the  crafty  chief  taking  his  own  time 
to  deliberate  on  the  offers  made  him,  and  rising  in  his 
demands  in  proportion  to  their  growing  eagerness  to 
possess  the  knowledge  which  was  to  bring  untold 
wealth  to  all  the  company.  At  length  the  bargain 
was  made ;  horses,  goods  and  money  were  given  as 
presents,  and  the  two  chiefs  with  their  squaws,  were 
escorted  in  triumph  to  Kentucky,  where  they  were 
feasted  and  caressed  in  the  most  flattering  manner,  and 
all  their  wants  anticipated  and  liberally  supplied.  In 
due  time  and  with  all  possible  secrecy,  they  visited  the 
region  where  this  great  mine  was  said  to  be  embowel 
ed  in  the  earth.  Here  the  wily  Shawanoe  spent  some 
time  in  seclusion,  in  order  to  humble  himself  by  fast 
ings,  purifications  and  pow-womings,  with  a  view  to 
propitiate  the  Great  Spirit ;  and  to  get  His  permission 
to  disclose  the  grand  secret  of  the  mine.  An  equivocal 
answer  was  all  the  response  that  was  given  to  him  in 
his  dreams ;  and,  after  many  days  of  fruitless  toil  and 
careful  research,  the  mine,  the  great  object  so  devoutly 
sought  and  wished  for,  could  not  be  found.  The  cun 
ning  Blue  Jacket,  however,  extricated  himself  with 
much  address  from  the  anticipated  vengeance  of  the 
disappointed  worshippers  of  Plutus,  by  charging  his 
want  of  success  to  his  eyes,  which  were  dimmed  by 
reason  of  his  old  age  ;  and  by  promising  to  send  his 
son  on  his  return  home,  whose  eyes  were  young  and 
good,  and  who  knew  the  desired  spot  and  would  show 
it.  The  son,  however,  never  visited  the  scene  of  his 
father's  failure ;  and  thus  ended  the  adventures  of  the 
celebrated  mining  company  of  Kentucky." 

CATAHECASSA,  OR  BLACK-HOOF. 

AMONG  the  celebrated  chiefs  of  the  Shawanoes, 
Black  Hoof  is  entitled  to  a  high  rank.  He  was  born 
in  Florida,  and  at  the  period  of  the  removal  of  a  por 
tion  of  that  tribe  to  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania,  was  old 
enough  to  recollect  having  bathed  in  the  salt  water. 
He  was  present  with  others  of  his  tribe,  at  the  defeat 
of  Braddock,  near  Pittsburg,  in  1755,  and  was  engaged 

D  2 


42  HISTORY    OF    THE 

in  all  the  wars  in  Ohio  from  that  time  until  the  treaty 
of  Greenville,  in  1795.  Such  was  the  sagacity  of 
Black  Hoof  in  planning  his  military  expeditions,  and 
such  the  energy  with  which  he  executed  them,  that  he 
won  the  confidence  of  his  whole  nation,  and  was  never 
at  a  loss  for  braves  to  fight  under  his  banner.  "  He 
was  known  far  and  wide,  as  the  great  Shawanoe  war 
rior,  whose  cunning,  sagacity  and  experience  were  only 
equalled  by  the  fierce  arid  desperate  bravery  with  which 
he  carried  into  operation  his  military  plans.  Like  the 
other  Shawanoe  chiefs,  he  was  the  inveterate  foe  of  the 
white  man,  and  held  that  no  peace  should  be  made,  nor 
any  negociation  attempted,  except  on  the  condition  that 
the  whites  should  repass  the  mountains,  and  leave  the 
great  plains  of  the  west  to  the  sole  occupancy  of  the 
native  tribes. 

"  He  was  the  orator  of  his  tribe  during  the  greater 
part  of  his  long  life,  and  was  an  excellent  speaker. 
The  venerable  colonel  Johnston  of  Piqua,  to  whom  we 
are  indebted  for  much  valuable  information,  describes 
him  as  the  most  graceful  Indian  he  had  ever  seen,  and 
as  possessing  the  most  natural  and  happy  faculty  of 
expressing  his  ideas.  He  was  well  versed  in  the  tra 
ditions  of  his  people ;  no  one  understood  better  their 
peculiar  relations  to  the  whiles,  whose  settlements  were 
gradually  encroaching  on  them,  or  could  detail  with 
more  minuteness  the  wrongs  with  which  his  nation 
was  afflicted.  But  although  a  stern  and  uncompromis 
ing  opposition  to  the  whites  had  marked  his  policy 
through  a  series  of  forty  years,  and  nerved  his  arm  in 
a  hundred  battles,  he  became  at  length  convinced  of 
the  madness  of  an  ineffectual  struggle  against  a  vastly 
superior  and  hourly  increasing  foe.  No  sooner  had  he 
satisfied  himself  of  this  truth,  than  he  acted  upon  it 
with  the  decision  which  formed  a  prominent  trait  in  his 
character.  The  temporary  success  of  the  Indians  in 
several  engagements  previous  to  the  campaign  of  gen 
eral  Wayne,  had  kept  alive  their  expiring  hopes ;  but 
their  signal  defeat  by  that  gallant  officer,  convinced  the 
more  reflecting  of  their  leaders  of  the  desperate  charac 
ter  of  the  conflict.  Black  Hoof  was  among  those  who 
decided  upon  making  terms  with  the  victorious  Ameri- 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS,  43 

can  commander;  and  having  signed  the  treaty  of  1795, 
at  Greenville,  he  continued  faithful  to  his  stipulations 
during  the  remainder  of  his  life.  From  that  day  he 
ceased  to  be  the  enemy  of  the  white  man ;  and  as  he 
was  not  one  who  could  act  a  negative  part,  he  became 
the  firm  ally  arid  friend  of  those  against  whom  his  tom 
ahawk  had  been  so  long  raised  in  vindictive  animos 
ity.  He  was  their  friend,  not  from  sympathy  or  con 
viction,  but  in  obedience  to  a  necessity  which  left  no 
middle  course,  and  under  a  belief  that  submission  alone 
could  save  his  tribe  from  destruction ;  and  having  adopt 
ed  this  policy,  his  sagacity  and  sense  of  honor,  alike 
forbade  a  recurrence  either  to  open  war  or  secret  hos 
tility. 

"  Black  Hoof  was  the  principal  chief  of  the  Shawa- 
noe  nation,  and  possessed  all  the  influence  and  autho 
rity  which  are  usually  attached  to  that  office,  at  the 
period  when  Tecumseh  and  his  brother  the  Prophet 
commenced  their  hostile  operations  against  the  United 
States.  Tecumseh  had  never  been  reconciled  to  the 
whites.  As  sagacious  and  as  bijave  as  Black  Hoof,  and 
resembling  him  in  all  the  better  traits  of  savage  charac 
ter,  he  differed  widely  from  that  respectable  chief  in  his 
political  opinions.  They  were  both  patriotic  in  the 
proper  sense  of  the  word,  and  earnestly  desired  to  pre 
serve  the  remnant  of  their  tribe  from  the  destruction 
that  threatened  the  whole  Indian  race.  Black  Hoof, 
whose  long  and  victorious  career  as  a  warrior  placed 
his  courage  far  above  suspicion,  submitted  to  what  he 
believed  inevitable,  and  endeavoured  to  evade  the  ef 
fects  of  the  storm  by  bending  beneath  its  fury ;  while 
Tecumseh,  a  younger  man,  an  influential  warrior,  but. 
not  a  chief,  with  motives  equally  public  spirited,  was, 
no  doubt,  unconsciously  biassed  by  personal  ambition, 
and  suffered  his  hatred  to  the  white  man  to  master  eve 
ry  other  feeling  and  consideration.  The  one  was  a 
leader  of  ripened  fame,  who  had  reached  the  highest 
place  in  his  nation,  and  could  afford  to  retire  from  the 
active  scenes  of  warfare ;  the  other  was  a  candidate 
for  higher  honors  than  he  had  yet  achieved  ;  and  both 
might  have  been  actuated  by  a  common  impulse  of 


41  HISTORY    OF    THJE 

rivalry,  which  induced  them  to  espouse  different  opin* 
ions  in  opposition  to  each  other."* 

When  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  embarked  in  their 
scheme  for  the  recovery  of  the  lands  as  far  south  as  the 
Ohio  river,  it  became  their  interest  as  well  as  policy  to 
enlist  Black  Hoof  in  the  enterprise;  and  every  effort 
which  the  genius  of  the  one  and  the  cunning  of  the 
other,  could  devise,  was  brought  to  bear  upon  him. 
But  Black  Hoof  continued  faithful  to  the  treaty  which 
he  had  signed  at  Greenville,  in  1795,  and  by  prudence 
and  influence  kept  the  greater  part  of  his  tribe  from 
joining  the  standard  of  Tecumseh  or  engaging  on  the 
side  of  the  British  in  the  late  war  with  England.  In 
that  contest  he  became  the  ally  of  the  United  States, 
and  although  he  took  no  active  part  in  it,  he  exerted  a 
very  salutary  influence  over  his  tribe.  In  January, 
1813,  he  visited  general  Tupper's  camp,  at  fort  Me  Ar 
thur,  and  while  there,  about  ten  o'clock  one  night, 
when  sitting  by  the  fire  in  company  with  the  general 
and  several  other  officers,  some  one  fired  a  pistol 
through  a  hole  in  the  wall  of  the  hut,  and  shot  Black 
Hoof  in  the  face  :  the  ball  entered  the  cheek,  glanced 
against  the  bone,  and  finally  lodged  in  his  neck :  he  fell, 
and  for  some  time  was  supposed  to  be  dead,  but  reviv 
ed,  and  afterwards  recovered  from  this  severe  wound. 
The  most  prompt  and  diligent  enquiry  as  to  the  author 
of  this  cruel  and  dastardly  act,  failed  to  lead  to  his  de 
tection.  No  doubt  was  entertained  that  this  attempt 
at  assassination  was  made  by  a  white  man,  stimulated 
perhaps  by  no  better  excuse  than  the  memory  of  some 
actual  or  ideal  wrong,  inflicted  on  some  of  his  own 
race  by  an  unknown  hand  of  kindred  colour  with  that 
of  his  intended  victim.t 

Black  Hoof  was  opposed  to  polygamy,  and  to  the 
practice  of  burning  prisoners.  He  is  reported  to  have 
lived  forty  years  with  one  wife,  and  to  have  reared  a 
numerous  family  of  children,  who  both  loved  and  es 
teemed  him.  His  disposition  was  cheerful,  and  his 
conversation  sprightly  and  agreeable.  In  stature  he 

*  History  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of  N-.  America.         |  James  Galloway. 


SHAVVANOE    INDIANS.  46 

was  smah,  being  not  more  than  five  feet  eight  inches  in 
height.  He  was  favored  with  good  health,  and  unim 
paired  eye  sight  to  the  period  of  his  death,  which  oc 
curred  at  Wapakonatta,  in  the  year  1831,  at  the  age  of 
one  hundred  and  ten  years. 

CORNSTALK. 

THE  reader  of  these  pages  is  already  familiar  with 
the  name  of  Cornstalk,  «  the  mighty  Cornstalk,  sachem 
of  the  Shawanoes,  and  king  of  the  Northern  Confede 
racy."  His  conduct  in  the  memorable  battle  of  Point 
Pleasant  establishes  his  fame  as  an  able  and  gallant 
warrior.  He  carried  into  that  action  the  skill  of  an 
accomplished  general,  and  the  heroism  of  a  dauntless 
brave.  Neither  a  thirst  for  blood,  nor  the  love  of  re 
nown,  ever  prompted  him  to  arms.  He  was  the  open 
advocate  for  honorable  peace — the  avowed  and  devo 
ted  friend  of  the  whites.  But  he  loved  his  own  people 
and  the  hunting  grounds  in  which  they  roamed  ;  and, 
when  his  country's  wrongs  demanded  redress,  he  be 
came  the  «  thunderbolt  of  war,"  and  avenged  the  ag 
gressions  upon  his  tribe  with  energy  and  power.  He 
fought,  however,  that  peace  might  reign ;  and,  after  the 
battle  in  which  he  so  highly  distinguished  himself,  was 
the  first  among  his  associated  chiefs  to  propose  a  cessa 
tion  of  hostilities.  While  he  mourned  over  the  inevita 
ble  doom  of  the  Indians,  he  had  the  sagacity  to  perceive 
that  all  efforts  to  avert  it,  were  not  only  useless,  but,  in 
the  end,  reacted  upon  them  with  withering  influence. 

He  has  been  justly  called  a  great  and  a  good  man. 
He  was  the  zealous  friend  of  the  Moravian  missions ; 
and  warmly  encouraged  every  effort  to  ameliorate  the 
moral  and  physical  condition  of  his  people.  "  His  no 
ble  bearing,"  says  Mr.  Withers,  "his  generous  and  dis 
interested  attachment  to  the  coloniesvwhen  the  thunder 
of  British  cannon  was  reverberating  through  the  land, 
his  anxiety  to  preserve  the  frontier  of  Virginia  from 
desolation  and  death,  (the  object  of  his  visit  to  Point 
Pleasant,)  all  conspired  to  win  for  him  the  esteem  and 
respect  of  others;  while  the  untimely  and  perfidious 
manner  of  his  death,  caused  a  deep  and  lasting  regret 


46  HISTORY    OF    THE 

to  pervade  the  bosoms  even  of  those  who  were  eLemies 
to  his  nation;  and  excited  the  just  indignation  of  all 
towards  his  inhuman  and  barbarous  murderers."  The 
strong  native  powers  of  his  mind  had  been  more  en 
riched  by  observation,  travel  and  intercourse  with  the 
whites,  than  is  usual  among  the  Indian  chiefs.  He 
was  familiarly  acquainted  with  the  topography  and 
geography  of  the  north-west,  even  beyond  the  Missis 
sippi  river,  and  possessed  an  accurate  knowledge  of 
the  various  treaties  between  the  whites  and  the  Indian 
tribes  of  this  region,  and  the  relative  rights  of  each 
party. 

At  the  treaty  with  Dunmore,  he  made  a  speech  alike 
creditable  to  his  love  of  country  and  his  sense  of  justice. 
He  pourtrayed,  in  living  colors,  the  wrongs  inflicted 
upon  the  Indians  by  the  colonists,  and  placed  in  strong 
contrast  the  former  and  present  condition  of  his  nation, 
the  one  being  happy  and  prosperous,  the  other  degraded 
and  oppressed.  He  spoke  in  a  strain  of  manly  bold 
ness  of  the  repeated  perfidy  of  the  white  people ;  and 
especially,  of  the  unblushing  dishonesty  of  the  traders ; 
and,  finally  concluded  by  proposing  as  one  of  the  fun 
damental  provisions  of  the  treaty,  that  no  commerce 
with  the  Indians  should  be  carried  on  for  individual 
profit,  but  that  honest  men  should  be  sent  among  them 
by  their  white  brother,  with  such  things  as  they  needed, 
to  be  exchanged,  at  a  fair  price,  for  their  skins  and  furs : 
and  still  further,  that  no  "fire-water,"  of  any  kind, 
should  be  introduced  among  them,  inasmuch  as  it  de 
praved  his  people  and  stimulated  them  to  aggressions 
upon  their  white  brethren. 

As  an  orator,  the  fame  of  Cornstalk  stands  high. 
Colonel  Benjamin  Wilson,  an  officer  in  Dimmore's  cam 
paign,  in  1774,  who  was  present  at  the  interview  (at 
camp  Charlotte)  between  the  chiefs  and  the  governor, 
in  speaking  of  Cornstalk,  says,  "  when  he  arose,  he  was 
in  no  wise  confused  or  daunted,  but  spoke  in  a  distinct 
and  audible  voice,  without  stammering  or  repetition, 
and  with  peculiar  emphasis.  His  looks,  while  address 
ing  Dunmore,  were  truly  grand  and  majestic,  yet  grace 
ful  and  attractive.  I  have  heard  the  first  orators  in 
Virginia, — Patrick  Henry  and  Richard  Henry  Lee, — 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  47 

but  never  have  I  heard  one  whose  powers  of  delivery 
surpassed  those  of  Cornstalk." 

The  treaty  at  camp  Charlotte  did  not  bring  much 
repose  to  the  frontier.  In  the  course  of  the  two  years 
succeeding  it,  new  difficulties  arose  between  the  Indians 
and  the  inhabitants  of  western  Virginia.  Early  in  the 
spring  of  1777,  several  tribes  joined  in  an  offensive 
alliance  against  the  latter.  Cornstalk  exerted  all  his 
influence  to  arrest  it,  but  in  vain.  Sincerely  desirous 
of  averting  war,  he  resolved  to  communicate  this  con 
dition  of  affairs  to  the  Virginians,  in  the  hope  that  they 
might  dissipate  the  impending  war-cloud.  This  infor 
mation  he  determined  to  give  in  person.  Taking  with 
him  Red  Hawk,  and  one  other  Indian,  he  went  secret 
ly  to  the  fort  at  Point  Pleasant,  with  a  flag  of  peace, 
and  presented  himself  to  the  commander  of  that  post. 
After  stating  to  him  the  object  of  the  mission,  and 
fully  explaining  the  situation  of  the  confederate  tribes 
and  their  contemplated  attack  upon  the  whites,  he  re 
marked,  in  regard  to  his  own,  "the  current  sets  (with 
the  Indians,)  so  strong  against  the  Americans,  in  con 
sequence  of  the  agency  of  the  British,  that  they  (the 
Shawanoes)  will  float  with  it,  I  fear,  in  spite  of  all  my 
exertions."  No  sooner  had  this  information  been  given 
to  the  commander,  captain  Matthew  Arbuckle,  than  he 
decided,  in  violation  of  all  good  faith,  to  detain  the  two 
chiefs  as  hostages,  to  prevent  the  meditated  attack  on 
the  settlements.  This  he  did ;  and  immediately  gave 
information  to  the  executive  of  Virginia,  who  ordered 
additional  troops  to  the  frontier.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  officers  in  the  fort  held  frequent  conversations  with 
Cornstalk,  whose  intelligence  equally  surprised  and 
pleased  them.  He  took  pleasure  in  giving  them  minute 
descriptions  of  his  country,  its  rivers,  prairies  and  lakes, 
its  game  and  other  productions.  One  day,  as  he  was 
drawing  a  rude  map  on  the  floor,  for  the  gratification 
of  those  present,  a  call  was  heard  from  the  opposite 
shore  of  the  Ohio,  which  he  at  once  recognized  as  the 
voice  of  his  favorite  son,  Elenipsico,  a  noble  minded 
youth,  who  had  fought  by  his  father's  side  in  the  battle 
of  Point  Pleasant.  At  the  request  of  Cornstalk,  Elenip 
sico  crossed  over  the  river,  and  joined  him  in  the  fort, 


48  HISTORY    OF    THE 

where  they  had  an  affectionate  and  touching  meeting. 
The  son  had  become  uneasy  at  his  father's  long  ab 
sence  ;  and  regardless  of  danger,  had  visited  this  place 
in  search  of  him.  It  happened  on  the  following  day 
that  two  white  men,  belonging  to  the  fort,  crossed  over 
the  Kanawha,  upon  a  hunting  excursion ;  as  they  were 
returning  to  their  boat,  they  were  fired  upon  by  some 
Indians  in  ambush,  and  one  of  the  hunters,  named  Gil- 
more,  was  killed,  the  other  making  his  escape.  The 
news  of  this  murder  having  reached  the  fort,  a  party 
of  captain  Hall's  men  crossed  the  river  and  brought  in 
the  body  of  Gilmore ;  whereupon  the  cry  was  raised, 
"  let  us  go  and  kill  the  Indians  in  the  fort."  An  in 
furiated  gang,  with  captain  Hall  at  their  head,  instantly 
started,  and  in  despite  of  all  remonstrance,  and  the  most 
solemn  assurances  that  the  murderers  of  Gilmore  had 
no  connection  whatever  with  the  imprisoned  chiefs, 
they  persisted  in  their  cruel  and  bloody  purpose,  swear 
ing,  with  guns  in  their  hands,  that  they  would  shoot 
any  one  Avho  attempted  to  oppose  them.  In  the  mean 
time,  the  interpreter's  wife,  who  had  been  a  captive 
among  the  Indians,  and  had  a  feeling  of  regard  for 
Cornstalk  and  his  companions,  perceiving  their  danger, 
ran  to  the  cabin  to  tell  them  of  it ;  and  to  let  them  know 
that  Hall  and  his  party  charged  Elenipsico  with  having 
brought  with  him  the  Indians  who  had  killed  Gilmore. 
This,  however,  the  youthful  chief  denied  most  posi 
tively,  asserting  that  he  came  unattended  by  any  one, 
and  for  the  single  purpose  of  learning  the  fate  of  his 
father.  At  this  time  captain  Hall  and  his  followers,  in 
despite  of  the  remonstance  and  command  of  captain 
Arbuckle,  were  approaching  the  cabin  of  the  prisoners. 
For  a  moment,  Elenipsico  manifested  some  agitation. 
His  father  spoke  and  encouraged  him  to  be  calm,  saying, 
"  my  son,  the  Great  Spirit  has  seen  fit  that  we  should 
die  together,  and  has  sent  you  here  to  that  end.  It  is 
his  will,  and  let  us  submit ;  it  is  all  for  the  best ;"  and 
turning  round  to  meet  the  assassins  at  the  door,  was 
shot  with  seven  bullets,  and  expired  without  a  groan. 
The  momentary  agitation  of  Elenipsico  passed  off,  and 
keeping  his  seat,  he  met  his  death  with  stern  and  hero 
ic  apathy.  Red  Hawk  manifested  less  resolution,  and 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  49 

made  a  fruitless  effort  to  conceal  himself  in  the  chim 
ney  of  the  cabin.  He  was  discovered  and  instantly- 
shot.  The  fourth  Indian  was  then  slowly  and  cruelly 
put  to  death.  Thus  terminated  this  dark  and  fearful 
tragedy — leaving  a  foul  blot  on  the  page  of  history, 
which  all  the  waters  of  the  beautiful  Ohio,  on  whose 
banks  it  was  perpetrated,  can  never  wash  out,  and  the 
remembrance  of  which  will  long  outlive  the  heroic  and 
hapless  nation  which  gave  birth  to  the  noble  Cornstalk 

SPEMICA-LAWBA — THE  HIGH  HORN, 

generally  known  as 

CAPTAIN  LOGAN 

IN  September,  1786,  captain  Benjamin  Logan,  of 
Kentucky,  led  an  expedition  of  mounted  men  from  that 
state  against  the  Shawanoes,  on  the  north  side  of  the 
Ohio,  and  destroyed  the  Machachac  towns  on  the  wa 
ters  of  Mad  river.  Most  of  the  warriors  happened  to 
be  absent  from  the  villages  when  the  invading  army 
reached  them.  About  thirty  persons  were  captured, 
chiefly  women  and  children.  After  the  slight  resistance 
which  was  made  by  the  Indians  had  ceased,  captain 
Logan's  men  were  both  annoyed  and  endangered  by 
some  arrows,  shot  among  them  by  an  invisible  but  not 
unpractised  hand.  After  considerable  search,  in  the 
tall  grass  around  the  camp,  an  Indian  youth  was  dis 
covered,  who  with  his  bow  and  a  quiver  of  arrows, 
had  concealed  himself  in  a  position  from  which  he  could 
successfully  throw  his  darts  against  the  enemy  :  that 
intrepid  boy  was  Logan,  the  subject  of  the  present 
biographical  sketch.  He  likewise  was  made  prisoner, 
and  with  the  others  carried  to  Kentucky.  The  com 
mander  of  the  expedition  was  so  much  pleased  with 
the  bold  conduct  of  this  boy,  that  upon  returning 
home,  he  made  him  a  member  of  his  own  family,  in 
which  he  resided  some  years,  until  at  length,  at  a  coun 
cil  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  held  on  the  bank  of 
the  Ohio,  opposite  to  Maysville,  between  some  Shaw- 
anoe  chiefs  and  a  deputation  of  citizens  from  Ken 
tucky,  our  young  hero  was  permitted  to  return  to  his 

E 


50  HISTORY    OP    THE 

native  land.  He  was  ever  afterwards  known  by  the 
name  of  Logan. 

Of  the  family  of  this  distinguished  individual,  we 
have  been  enabled  to  glean  but  few  particulars.  In 
M'Afee's  History  of  the  Late  War,  and  in  Butler's  His 
tory  of  Kentucky,  he  is  represented  to  have  been  the 
son  of  Tecumseh's  sister :  this  is  manifestly  an  error  ; 
there  was  no  relationship  between  them,  either  by 
blood  or  marriage. 

Logan  was  a  member  of  the  Machachac  tribe  of  the 
Shawanoes,  and  was  elevated  to  the  rank  of  a  civil 
chief  on  account  of  his  many  estimable  qualities,  both 
intellectual  and  moral.  He  was  a  married  man,  and 
left  behind  him  a  wife  and  several  children — requesting 
on  his  death  bed  that  they  might  be  sent  into  Kentucky, 
and  placed  under  the  patronage  of  his  friend,  colonel 
Hardin,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of  his  early 
patron,  captain  Logan.'  This,  however,  was  not  done, 
owing  to  objections  interposed  by  the  wife.  The  per 
sonal  appearance  of  Logan  was  remarkably  good,  be 
ing  six  feet  in  height,  finely  formed  and  weighing  near 
two  hundred  pounds. 

From  the  period  of  his  residence  in  Kentucky,  to 
that  of  his  death,  Logan  was  the  unwavering  friend 
of  the  United  States.  He  was  extensively  and  favora 
bly  known  on  the  frontier  of  Ohio,  and  the  Indiana 
territory;  and,  immediately  after  the  declaration  of 
war  against  England  in  1812,  he  joined  the  American 
service.  He  acted  as  one  of  the  guides  of  general 
Hull's  army  to  Detroit ;  and,  prior  to  the  actual  invest 
ment  of  fort  Wayne, — an  account  of  which  will  be 
presently  given — he  was  employed  by  the  Indian  agent 
at  Piqua,  on  an  important  and  delicate  mission.  The 
Indians  around  fort  Wayne  were  giving  indications 
of  a  disposition  to  abandon  their  neutrality.  This 
rendered  it  expedient  that  the  women  and  children 
then  at  that  point,  should  be  removed  within  the  in 
habited  portions  of  Ohio.  John  Johnston,  the  Indi 
an  agent  at  Piqua,  knowing  Logan  intimately,  and 
having  great  confidence  in  his  judgment  as  well  as  his 
fidelity,  selected  him  to  perform  this  duty.  He  was 
accordingly  furnished  with  a  letter  to  the  commandant 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  51 

of  that  fort,  in  which  assurances  were  given,  that  the 
persons  about  to  be  removed  might  confidently  rely 
upon  the  discretion  and  enterprise  of  Logan.  He  pro 
ceeded  on  his  mission,  and  executed  it  successfully: 
bringing  into  Piqua — near  one  hundred  miles  distant 
from  fort  Wayne — twenty -five  women  and  children; 
the  former,  without  an  exception,  bearing  testimony  to 
the  uniform  delicacy  and  kindness  with  which  he  treat 
ed  them.  Deeply  impressed  with  the  dangerous  re 
sponsibility  of  the  office  he  had  assumed,  he  is  said  not 
to  have  slept  from  the  time  the  party  left  fort  Wayne, 
until  it  reached  Piqua. 

We  next  hear  of  Logan,  in  connection  with  the 
memorable  siege  of  fort  Wayne.  This  post,  which 
was  erected  in  1794,  stood  at  the  junction  of  the  St.  Jo 
seph's  and  St.  Mary's  rivers,  and,  although  not  with 
in  the  limits  of  Ohio,  its  preservation  was  all-important 
to  the  peace  and  safety  of  our  north-western  frontier. 
Having  been  built  of  wood,  it  was,  in  1812,  a  pile  of 
combustible  matter.  Immediately  after  the  surrender 
of  general  Hull,  in  August,  1812,  the  Indians,  to  the 
number  of  four  or  five  hundred,  closely  invested  this 
place.  The  garrison  at  that  time,  including  every  de 
scription  of  persons,  amounted  to  less  than  one  hun 
dred  persons,  of  whom  not  more  than  sixty  or  seventy 
were  capable  of  performing  military  duty.  These  were 
commanded  by  captain  Khea,  an  officer  who,  from 
several  causes,  was  but  ill  qualified  for  the  station. 
His  lieutenants  were  Philip  Ostrander  and  Daniel  Cur 
tis,  both  of  whom,  throughout  the  siege,  discharged 
their  duty  in  a  gallant  manner. 

At  the  time  of  the  investment  of  this  place,  there 
was  a  considerable  body  of  Ohio  troops  in  the  neigh 
borhood  of  Piqua.  These  had  been  ordered  out  by 
governor  Meigs,  for  the  relief  of  Detroit;  but,  upon 
hearing  of  the  surrender  of  that  place,  their  course 
was  directed  towards  fort  Wayne.  They  were,  how 
ever,  almost  in  a  state  of  disorganization,  and  mani 
fested  but  little  ardor  in  entering  upon  this  new  duty. 
Perceiving  this  state  of  things,  and  aware  that  the  fort 
was  in  imminent  danger,  a  young  man,  now  major 
William  Oliver,  of  Cincinnati,  determined  upon  making 


m  HISTORY    OP    THE 

an  effort  to  reach  the  garrison.  Young  Oliver  was  a 
resident  of  fort  Wayne,  and  was  on  his  return  from  a 
visit  to  Cincinnati  when,  at  Piqua,  he  learned  that  the 
place  was  besieged.  He  immediately  joined  a  rifle 
company  of  the  Ohio  militia;  but  seeing  the  tardy 
movements  of  the  troops,  in  advancing  to  the  relief  of 
the  fort,  he  resolved  in  the  first  place  to  return  with  all 
possible  expedition,  to  Cincinnati,  for  the  purpose  of 
inducing  colonel  Wells,  of  the  17th  U.  S.  infantry,  to 
march  his  regiment  to  the  relief  of  the  fort ;  and,  in  the 
second  place,  to  make  an  effort  to  reach  it  in  person, 
that  the  garrison  might  be  encouraged  to  hold  out  until 
reinforcements  should  arrive.  When  Oliver  arrived 
in  Cincinnati,  he  found  that  general  Harrison  had  just 
crossed  the  Ohio,  from  Kentucky,  and  assumed  the 
command  of  the  troops  composing  the  north-western 
army.  He  called  upon  the  general,  stated  the  condition 
of  things  on  the  frontier,  and  avowed  his  intention  of 
passing  into  the  fort  in  advance  of  the  reinforcements. 
The  general  informed  him  that  the  troops  then  at  Cin 
cinnati  would  be  put  in  motion  that  day,  and  marched 
with  all  practicable  expedition  to  the  invested  point. 
This  was  on  the  27th  of  August;  on  the  31st  Oliver 
overtook  the  Ohio  militia  at  the  St.  Mary's  river. 
Here  he  learned  that  Adrian  and  Shane,  two  experi 
enced  scouts,  had  been  sent  in  the  direction  of  fort 
Wayne,  and  had  returned  with  information  that  the 
hostile  Indians  were  in  great  force  on  the  route  to  that 
place.  On  the  next  day,  general  Thomas  Worthington, 
of  Chillicothe,  who  was  then  on  the  frontier  as  Indian 
commissioner,  seeing  the  great  importance  of  commu 
nicating  with  the  garrison,  determined  to  unite  with 
Oliver  in  the  attempt  to  reach  it.  These  two  enterpri 
sing  individuals  induced  sixty-eight  of  the  Ohio  troops 
and  sixteen  Shawanoe  Indians,  among  whom  was  Lo 
gan,  to  accompany  them.  They  marched  eighteen 
miles  that  day,  and  camped  for  the  night  at  Shane's 
crossing. 

Next  morning  they  again  moved  forward,  but  in  the 
course  of  the  day,  some  thirty-six  of  their  party  aban 
doned  the  hazardous  enterprise,  and  returned  to  the 
main  army.  The  remainder  pursued  their  route,  and 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  53 

encamped  thai  evening  within  twenty-tour  miles  of  fort 
Wayne.  As  the  party  was  not  strong  enough  in  its 
present  condition  to  encounter  the  besieging  enemy, 
general  Worthington  was  very  reluctantly  induced  to 
remain  at  this  point,  while  Oliver,  with  Logan,  captain 
Johnny  and  Brighthorn,  should  make  an  effort  to  reach 
the  fort.  Being  well  armed  and  mounted,  they  started 
ut  daybreak  next  morning  upon  this  daring  adventure. 
Proceeding  with  great  caution,  they  came  within  five 
miles  of  the  fort,  before  they  observed  any  fresh  Indian 
signs.  At  this  point  the  keen  eye  of  Logan  discovered 
the  cunning  strategy  of  the  enemy  :  for  the  purpose  of 
concealing  their  bodies,  they  had  dug  holes  on  either 
side  of  the  road,  alternately,  at  such  distances  as  to  se 
cure  them  from  their  own  fire  :  these  were  intended  for 
night  watching,  in  order  to  cut  off  all  communication 
with  the  fort.  Here  the  party  deemed  it  advisable  to 
leave  the  main  road,  and  strike  across  the  country  to 
the  Maumec  river,  which  was  reached  in  safety  at  a 
point  one  and  a  half  miles  below  the  fort.  Having  tied 
their  horses  in  a  thicket,  the  party  proceeded  cautiously 
on  foot,  to  ascertain  whether  our  troops  or  the  Indians 
were  in  possession  of  the  fort.  Having  satisfied  them 
selves  on  this  point,  they  returned,  remounted  their 
horses,  and  taking  the  main  road,  moved  rapidly  to  the 
fort.  Upon  reaching  the  gate  of  the  esplanade,  they 
found  it  locked,  and  were  thus  compelled  to  pass  down 
the  river  bank,  and  then  ascend  it  at  the  northern  gate. 
They  were  favored  in  doing  so  by  the  withdrawal  of 
the  hostile  Indians  from  this  jpoint,  in  carrying  out  a 
plan,  then  on  the  point  of  consummation,  for  taking  the 
fort  by  an  ingenious  stratagem.  For  several  days  pre 
vious  to  this  time,  the  hostile  chiefs  under  a  flag  of 
truce,  had  been  holding  intercourse  with  the  garrison ; 
and  had,  it  is  supposed,  discovered  the  unsoldier-like 
condition  of  the  commander.  They  had  accordingly 
arranged  their  warriors  in  a  semicircle,  on  the  west 
and  south  sides  of  the  fort,  and  at  no  great  distance 
from  it.  Five  of  the  chiefs,  under  pretence  of  treating 
with  the  officers  of  the  garrison,  were  to  pass  into  the 
fort,  and  when  in  council  were  to  assassinate  the  subal 
tern  officers  with  pistols  and  knives,  concealed  under 

E  2 


54  HISTORY    OF    THE 

their  blankets ;  and  then  to  seize  captain  Rhea,  who,  ia 
his  trepidation,  and  under  a  promise  of  personal  safety, 
would,  they  anticipated,  order  the  gates  of  the  fort  to 
be  thrown  open  for  the  admission  of  the  besiegers. 
The  plan,  thus  arranged,  was  in  the  act  of  being  car 
ried  into  execution  at  the  moment  when  Oliver  and 
his  companions  reached  the  gate.  In  speaking  of  the 
opportune  approach  of  this  party,  lieutenant  Curtis 
says,  "  the  safe  arrival  of  Mr.  Oliver  at  that  particular 
juncture,  may  justly  be  considered  most  miraculous. 
One  hour  sooner  or  one  later,  would  no  doubt  have 
been  inevitable  destruction  both  to  himself  and  escort : 
the  parties  of  Indians  who  had  been  detached  to  guard 
the  roads  and  passes  in  different  directions,  having  all 
at  that  moment  been  called  in,  to  aid  in  carrying  the 
fort.  It  is  generally  believed  by  those  acquainted  with 
the  circumstances,  that  not  one  hour,  for  eight  days  and 
nights  preceding  or  following  the  hour  in  which  Mr. 
Oliver  arrived,  would  have  afforded  an  opportunity  of 
any  probable  safety."  Winnemac,  Five  Medals,  and 
three  other  hostile  chiefs,  bearing  the  flag  under  which 
they  were  to  gain  admittance  to  the  fort  to  carry  out 
their  treacherous  intentions,  were  surprised  by  sud 
denly  meeting  at  the  gate,  Oliver  and  his  companions. 
Coming  from  different  directions  and  screened  by  the 
angles  of  the  fort,  the  parties  were  not  visible  to  each 
other  until  both  were  near  the  gate.  On  meeting,  they 
shook  hands,  but  it  was  apparent  that  Winnemac  was 
greatly  disconcerted ;  he  immediately  wheeled  and  re 
turned  to  his  camp,  satisfied  that  this  accession  of 
strength  to  the  garrison — the  forerunner,  in  all  probabil 
ity,  of  a  much  larger  force — had  defeated  his  scheme. 
The  others  of  his  party  entered  the  fort,  and  remained 
some  little  time,  during  which  they  were  given  to  un 
derstand  that  Logan  and  his  two  Indian  companions 
were  to  remain  with  the  garrison.  Oliver,  in  the  mean 
time,  having  written  a  hasty  letter,  describing  the  con 
dition  of  the  fort,  to  general  Worthington ;  and  the  In 
dians  being  equipped  with  new  rifles  from  the  public 
stores,  they  prepared  to  leave  the  fort  without  delay. 
Fortunately  their  movements  were  not  observed  by  the 
enemy,  until  they  had  actually  started  from  the  garri- 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  55 

son  gate.  They  now  put  spurs  to  their  horses  and  dash 
ed  off  at  full  speed.  The  hostile  Indians  were  instantly 
in  motion  to  intercept  them ;  the  race  was  a  severe  and 
perilous  one,  but  Logan  and  his  companions  cleared 
the  enemy's  line  in  safety,  and  this  accomplished,  his 
loud  shout  of  triumph  rose  high  in  the  air,  and  fell  like 
music  upon  the  ears  of  the  beleaguered  garrison.  The 
party  reached  general  Worthington's  camp  early  the 
next  morning,  and  delivered  Oliver's  letter  to  him. 
Notwithstanding  the  perilous  condition  of  the  garrison, 
however,  the  Ohio  troops  delayed  moving  for  its  relief, 
until  they  were  overtaken  by  general  Harrison,  who, 
with  his  reinforcements,  was  unable  to  reach  the  fort 
until  the  twelfth.  In  the  mean  time  the  Indians  kept 
up  an  incessant  firing,  day  and  night,  upon  the  fort, 
killing  on  one  occasion,  two  of  the  garrison  who  pass 
ed  out  of  the  gate  on  police  duty.  Several  times  the 
buildings  of  the  fort  were  set  on  fire  by  the  burning 
arrows  which  were  shot  upon  them,  but  by  the  vigi 
lance  of  the  garrison  in  extinguishing  the  flames,  a 
general  conflagration  was  prevented.  Some  days  after 
the  arrival  of  Oliver,  the  Indians  appeared  to  be  mak 
ing  preparations  for  some  uncommon  movement,  and 
one  afternoon,  just  before  night-fall,  succeeded  in  get 
ting  possession  of  one  of  the  trading  houses  standing 
near  the  fort.  From  this  point  they  demanded  a  sur 
render  of  the  garrison,  under  a  promise  of  protection  ; 
and  with  a  threat  of  extermination  if  they  were  com 
pelled  to  carry  the  fort  by  storm  :  they  alleged,  further, 
that  they  had  just  been  reinforced  by  a  large  numbei 
of  warriors,  some  pieces  of  British  cannon,  and  artille 
rists  to  man  them.  Their  demand  being  promptly  re 
fused,  they  immediately  closed  in  upon  the  fort,  yelling 
hideously,  firing  their  guns  and  also  a  couple  of  can 
non.  Every  man  in  the  fort  capable  of  doing  duty, 
now  stood  at  his  post,  having  several  stands  of  loaded 
arms  by  his  side.  They  were  directed  by  the  acting 
lieutenant,  Curtis,*  not  to  fire  until  the  Indians  had 
approached  within  twenty-five  paces  of  the  fort :  the 


*  Captain  Rhea,  by  common  consent,  was  suspended  for  incapacity, 
and  lieutenant  Ostrander  was  on  the  sick  list. 


56  HISTORY    OP    THE 

tire  was  at  length  opened  upon  the  entire  Indian  lines, 
and  in  a  manner  so  destructive,  that  in  twenty  minutes 
the  enemy  retreated  with  the  loss  of  eighteen  of  their 
warriors,  killed.  It  was  discovered,  subsequently,  that 
the  cannon  used  on  this  occasion  by  the  Indians,  had 
been  made  of  wood  by  some  British  traders  who. were 
with  them ;  one  of  the  pieces  burst  upon  the  first,  and 
the  other  on  the  second,  fire. 

The  day  before  general  Harrison  reached  this  place, 
the  Indians  concentrated  at  a  swamp,  five  miles  south 
of  the  fort,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  him  battle ;  but 
after  reconnoitering  his  force,  and  finding  it  too  strong 
for  them,  they  fell  back,  passing  by  the  fort  in  great 
disorder,  in  the  hope,  it  is  supposed,  of  drawing  out  the 
garrison,  under  a  belief  that  they,  (the  Indians,)  had 
been  defeated  by  general  Harrison's  army.  To  pro 
mote  this  idea,  they  had,  while  lying  at  the  swamp, 
kindled  extensive  fires,  that  the  rising  volume  of  smoke 
might  be  mistaken  for  that  which  usually  overhangs 
the  field  of  battle.  This  device  proving  unavailing,  the 
Indians,  after  a  vigorous  investment,  running  through 
more  than  twenty  days,  withdrew  forever  from  the 
siege  of  fort  Wayne. 

The  enterprise  of  young  Oliver,  just  related,  reflected 
the  highest  credit  on  his  bravery  and  patriotism :  being 
wholly  voluntary  on  his  part,  the  moral  heroism  of  the 
act  was  only  surpassed  by  its  fortunate  results  ;  as  it 
prevented,  in  all  probability,  the  fall  of  an  important 
frontier  post,  and  saved  its  garrison  from  the  tomahawk 
and  scalping  knife.  So  hazardous  was  the  effort  deem 
ed,  indeed,  that  experienced  frontier's-men  endeavor 
ed  to  dissuade  him  from  the  undertaking;  arid  even 
Logan  considered  it  one  of  great  peril ;  but  when  once 
resolved  upon,  he  gallantly  incurred  the  hazard  of  the 
deed,  and  showed  himself  worthy  of  the  trust  reposed 
in  him. 

In  November  of  this  year,  general  Harrison  directed 
Logan  to  take  a  small  party  of  his  tribe,  and  recon 
noitre  the  country  in  the  direction  of  the  Rapids  of  the 
Maumee.  When  near  this  point,  they  were  met  by  a 
body  of  the  enemy,  superior  to  their  own  in  number, 
and  compelled  to  retreat.  Logan,  captain  Johnny  and 


SHAWANOE  INDIANS.  57 

Bright-horn,  who  composed  the  party,  effected  their 
escape,  to  the  left  wing  of  the  army,  then  under  the 
command  of  general  Winchester,  who  was  duly  inform 
ed  of  the  circumstances  of  their  adventure.  An  officer 
of  the  Kentucky  troops,  general  P.,  the  second  in  com 
mand,  without  the  slightest  ground  for  such  a  charge, 
accused  Logan  of  infidelity  to  our  cause,  and  of  giving 
intelligence  to  the  enemy.  Indignant  at  this  foul  accu 
sation,  the  noble  chief  at  once  resolved  to  meet  it  in  a 
manner  that  would  leave  no  doubt  as  to  his  faithfulness 
to  the  United  States.  He  called  on  his  friend  Oliver, 
and  having  told  him  of  the  imputation  that  had  been 
cast  upon  his  reputation,  said  that  he  would  start  from 
the  camp  next  morning,  and  either  leave  his  body 
bleaching  in  the  woods,  or  return  with  such  trophies 
from  the  enemy,  as  would  relieve  his  character  from 
the  suspicion  that  had  been  wantonly  cast  upon  it  by 
an  American  officer. 

Accordingly,  on  the  morning  of  the  22d  he  started 
down  the  Maumee,  attended  by  his  two  faithful  com 
panions,  captain  Johnny  and  Bright-horn.  About  noon , 
having  stopped  for  the  purpose  of  taking  rest,  they 
were  suddenly  surprised  by  a  party  of  seven  of  the  en 
emy,  amongst  whom  were  young  Elliott,  a  half-breed, 
holding  a  commission  in  the  British  service,  and  the 
celebrated  Potawatamie  chief,  Winnemac.  Logan  made 
no  resistance,  but  with  great  presence  of  mind,  extend 
ing  his  hand  to  Winnemac,  who  was  an  old  acquain 
tance,  proceeded  to  inform  him,  that  he  and  his  two 
companions,  tired  of  the  American  service,  were  just 
leaving  general  Winchester's  army,  for  the  purpose  of 
joining  the  British.  Winnemac,  being  familiar  with 
Indian  strategy,  was  not  satisfied  with  this  declaration, 
but  proceeded  to  disarm  Logan  and  his  comrades,  and 
placing  his  party  around  them,  so  as  to  prevent  their 
escape,  started  for  the  British  camp  at  the  foot  of  the 
Rapids.  In  the  course  of  the  afternoon,  Logan's  ad 
dress  was  such  as  to  inspire  confidence  in  his  sincerity, 
and  induce  Winnemac  to  restore  to  him  and  his  com 
panions  their  arms.  Logan  now  formed  the  plan  of 
attacking  his  captors  on  the  first  favorable  opportunity , 
and  whilst  marching  along,  succeeded  in  communicat- 


58  HISTORY    OP    THE 

ing  the  substance  of  it  to  captain  Johnny  and  Bright- 
horn.  Their  guns  being  already  loaded,  they  had  little 
further  preparation  to  make,  than  to  put  bullets  into 
their  mouths,  to  facilitate  the  reloading  of  their  arms. 
In  carrying  on  this  process,  captain  Johnny,  as  he  after 
wards  related,  fearing  that  the  man  marching  by  his 
side  had  observed  the  operation,  adroitly  did  away  the 
impression  by  remarking,  "  me  chaw  heap  tobac." 

The  evening  being  now  at  hand,  the  British  Indians 
determined  to  encamp  on  the  bank  of  Turkeyfoot  creek, 
about  twenty  miles  from  fort  Winchester.  Confiding 
in  the  idea  that  Logan  had  really  deserted  the  Ameri 
can  service,  a  part  of  his  captors  rambled  around  the 
place  of  their  encampment,  in  search  of  blackhaws. 
They  were  no  sooner  out  of  sight,  than  Logan  gave 
the  signal  of  attack  upon  those  who  remained  behind ; 
they  fired  and  two  of  the  enemy  fell  dead — the  third, 
being  only  wounded,  required  a  second  shot  to  de 
spatch  him;  and  in  the  mean  time,  the  remainder  of  the 
party,  who  were  near  by,  returned  the  fire,  and  all  of 
them  "  treed."  There  being  four  of  the  enemy,  and 
only  three  of  Logan's  party,  the  latter  could  not  watch 
all  the  movements  of  their  antagonists.  Thus  circum 
stanced,  and  during  an  active  fight,  the  fourth  man  of 
the  enemy  passed  round  until  Logan  was  uncovered 
by  his  tree,  and  shot  him  through  the  body.  By  this 
time  Logan's  party  had  wounded  two  of  the  surviving 
four,  which  caused  them  to  fall  back.  Taking  advan 
tage  of  this  state  of  things,  captain  Johnny  mounted 
Logan — now  suffering  the  pain  of  a  mortal  wound — 
and  Bright-horn — also  wounded — on  two  of  the  ene 
my's  horses,  and  started  them  for  Winchester's  camp, 
which  they  reached  about  midnight.  Captain  Johnny, 
having  already  secured  the  scalp  of  Winnemac,  followed 
immediately  on  foot,  and  gained  the  same  point  early 
on  the  following  morning.  It  was  subsequently  ascer 
tained  that  the  two  Indians  of  the  British  party,  who 
were  last  wounded,  died  of  their  wounds,  making  in 
all  five  out  of  the  seven,  who  were  slain  by  Logan 
and  his  companions. 

When  the  news  of  this   gallant  affair   had   spread 
through  the  camp,  and  especially  after  it  was  known 


SHAWANOE    INDIANS.  59 

that  Logan  was  mortally  wounded,  it  created  a  deep 
and  mournful  sensation.  No  one,  it  is  believed,  more 
deeply  regretted  the  fatal  catastrophe,  than  the  author 
of  the  charge  upon  Logan's  integrity,  which  had  led  to 
this  unhappy  result. 

Logan's  popularity  was  very  great ;  indeed  he  was 
almost  universally  esteemed  in  the  army,  for  his  fidelity 
to  our  cause,  his  unquestioned  bravery,  and  the  noble 
ness  of  his  nature.  He  lived  two  or  three  days  after 
reaching  the  camp,  but  in  extreme  bodily  agony ;  he 
was  buried  by  the  officers  of  the  army,  at  fort  Winches 
ter,  with  the  honors  of  war.  Previous  to  his  death,  he 
related  the  particulars  of  this  fatal  enterprise,  to  his 
friend  Oliver,  declaring  to  him  that  he  prized  his  honor 
more  than  life ;  and,  having  now  vindicated  his  repu 
tation  from  the  imputation  cast  upon  it,  he  died  satis 
fied.  In  the  course  of  this  interview,  and  while  writh 
ing  with  pain,  he  was  observed  to  smile;  upon  being 
questioned  as  to  the  cause,  he  replied,  that  when  he 
recalled  to  his  mind  the  manner  in  which  captain  John 
ny  took  off  the  scalp  of  Winnemac,  while  at  the  same 
time  dexterously  watching  the  movements  of  the  ene 
my,  he  could  not  refrain  from  laughing — an  incident  in 
savage  life,  which  shows  the  "ruling  passion  strong  in 
death/'  It  would  perhaps  be  difficult  in  the  history 
of  savage  warfare,  to  point  out  an  enterprise  the  execu 
tion  of  which  reflects  higher  credit  upon  the  address 
and  daring  conduct  of  its  authors,  than  this  does  upon 
Logan  and  his  two  companions.  Indeed  a  spirit  even 
less  indomitable,  a  sense  of  honor  less  acute,  and  a  pat 
riotic  devotion  to  a  good  cause  less  active,  than  were 
manifested  by  this  gallant  chieftain  of  the  woods,  might, 
under  other  circumstances,  have  well  conferred  immor 
tality  upon  his  name. 

The  Shawanoe  nation  has  produced  a  number  of 
rlistinguished  individuals,  besides  those  who  have  been 
noticed  in  this  brief  sketch  of  that  people.  The  plan 
of  our  work  does  not  permit  a  more  extended  enumera 
tion  of  them.  When  a  full  and  faithful  history  of 
this  tribe  shall  be  written,  it  will  be  found,  we  think, 
that  no  tribe  of  aborigines  on  this  continent,  has  given 
birth  to  so  many  men,  remarkable  for  their  talents, 


60  HISTORY    OF    THE 

energy  of  character,  and  military  prowess,  as  the 
Shawanoe. 

Under  a  treaty  held  at  the  rapids  of  the  Miami  of 
the  lakes,  in  1817,  by  Duncan  Me  Arthur  and  Lewis 
Cass,  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
for  extinguishing  Indian  titles  to  lands  in  Ohio,  the 
Shawanoes  ceded  to  the  government  the  principal  por 
tion  of  their  lands  within  the  limits  of  this  state.  After 
this  period  they  resided  principally  on  the  reserve  made 
by  them  at  and  around  Wapakanotta,  on  the  Auglaize 
river.  Here  the  greater  part  of  them  remained,  until 
within  a  few  years  past,  when,  yielding  to  the  pressing 
appeals  of  the  government,  they  sold  their  reserved 
lands  to  the  United  States,  and  removed  west  of  the 
Mississippi. 

For  a  number  of  years  prior  to  their  final  departure 
from  Ohio,  the  society  of  Friends,  with  their  character 
istic  philanthropy  towards  the  Indians,  maintained  a 
mission  at  Wapakanotta,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  in 
struction  to  the  Shawanoe  children,  and  inducing  the 
adults  to  turn  their  attention  to  agricultural  pursuits. 
Notwithstanding  the  wandering  and  warlike  character 
of  this  tribe,  such  was  the  success  attending  this  effort 
of  active  benevolence,  that  the  Friends  composing  the 
Yearly  Meetings  of  Baltimore,  Ohio  and  Indiana,  still 
continue  a  similar  agency  among  the  Shawanoes,  al 
though  they  are  now  the  occupants  of  the  territory 
lying  beyond  the  distant  Arkansas. 

Whether  the  new  position  west  of  the  Mississippi,  in 
which  the  Indian  tribes  have  been  placed,  will  tend  to 
promote  their  civilization,  arrest  their  deterioration  in 
morals,  or  their  decline  in  numbers,  we  think  extreme 
ly  problematical.  Should  such,  however,  be  the  happy 
result,  it  may  be  anticipated  that  the  tribe  which  has 
produced  a  Logan,  a  Cornstalk  and  a  Tecumseh,  will 
be  among  the  first  to  rise  above  the  moral  degradation 
in  which  it  is  shrouded,  and  foremost  to  exhibit  the 
renovating  influences  of  Christian  civilization. 


THE  LIFE  OF  TECUMSEH. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Pventage  of  Tecumseh — his  sister  Tecumapease — his  brothers  Cheesee* 
kau.  Sauweeseekau,  Nehasseemo,  Tenskwautawa  or  the  Prophet,  and 
Kumskaukau. 

THERE  are  not  wanting  authorities  for  the  assertion 
that  both  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  Creek  blood  ran  in  the 
veins  of  TECUMSEH.*  It  has  been  stated  that  his  pa 
ternal  grandfather  was  a  white  man,  and  that  his  mother 
was  a  Creek.  The  better  opinion,  however,  seems  to 
be,  that  he  was  wholly  a  Shawanoe.  On  this  point  we 
have  the  concurrent  authority  of  John  Johnston,  late 
Indian  agent  at  Piqua ;  and  of  Stephen  Ruddell,  former 
ly  of  Kentucky,  who  for  near  twenty  years  was  a  prison 
er  among  the  Shawanoes.  They  both  possessed  ample 
opportunities  for  ascertaining  the  fact,  and  unite  in  as 
serting  that  Puckeshinwa,  the  father  of  Tecumseh,  was 
a  member  of  the  Kiscopoke,  and  Methoataske,  the 
mother,  of  the  Turtle  tribe  of  the  Shawanoe  nation. 

The  parents  of  Tecumseh  removed  from  Florida  to 
the  north  side  of  the  Ohio,  about  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  The  father  rose  to  the  rank  of  a 
chief,  and  fell  in  the  celebrated  battle  of  the  Kanawha, 
in  1774,  leaving  six  sons  and  one  daughter.  Of  these, 
one  or  two  were  born  at  the  south,  the  others  within 
what  now  constitutes  the  state  of  Ohio.  They  will  be 
briefly  noticed  in  the  order  of  their  birth. 

Cheeseekau,  the  eldest,  is  represented  to  have  taken 
great  pains  with  his  brother  Tecumseh,  laboring  not 
only  to  make  him  a  distinguished  warrior,  but  to  instil 
into  his  mind  a  love  of  truth,  and  a  contempt  for  every 

*  The  Indian  orthography  of  this  name  is  Tecumtha,  but  the  public 
have  been  so  long  under  a  different  impression,  that  no  attempt  has  been 
made  in  this  work  to  restore  the  original  reading. 

F  61 


62  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

thing  mean  and  sordid.  Cheeseekau  fought  by  the 
side  of  his  father  in  the  battle  of  Kanawha ;  and,  some 
years  afterwards,  led  a  small  band  of  Shawanoes  on  a 
predatory  expedition  to  the  south,  Tecumseh  being  one 
of  the  party.  While  there,  they  joined  some  Chero- 
kees,  in  an  attack  upon  a  fort,  garrisoned  by  white  men. 
A  day  or  two  before  the  attack,  Cheeseekau  made  a 
speech  to  his  followers,  and  predicted  that  at  such  an 
hour,  on  a  certain  morning,  they  would  reach  the  fort, 
and  that  he  should  be  shot  in  the  forehead  and  killed ; 
but  that  the  fort  would  be  taken,  if  the  party  persevered 
in  the  assault,  which  he  urged  them  to  do.  An  effort 
was  made  by  his  followers  to  induce  him  to  turn  back, 
but  he  refused.  The  attack  took  place  at  the  time  pre 
dicted,  and  Cheeseekau  fell.  His  last  words  expressed 
the  joy  he  felt  at  dying  in  battle ;  he  did  not  wish,  he 
said,  to  be  buried  at  home,  like  an  old  woman,  but  pre 
ferred  that  the  fowls  of  the  air  should  pick  his  bones. 
The  fall  of  their  leader  created  a  panic  among  the  as 
saulting  party,  and  they  suddenly  retreated.* 

Tecumapease,  known  also  by  the  name  of  Mene- 
waulakoosee,  was  a  sister  worthy  of  her  distinguished 
brother  Tecumseh,  with  whom,  up  to  the  period  of  his 
death,  she  was  a  great  favorite.  Sensible,  kind  hearted, 
and  uniformly  exemplary  in  her  conduct,  she  obtained 
and  exercised  a  remarkable  degree  of  influence  over  the 
females  of  her  tribe.  She  was  united  in  marriage  to  a 
brave.!  called  Wasegoboah,  (stand  firm,)  who  fell  in  the 
battle  of  the  Thames,  fighting  courageously  by  the  side 
of  his  brother-in-law,  Tecumseh.  In  1814,  Tecuma 
pease  visited  Quebec,  in  company  with  some  other 
members  of  her  tribe,  from  whence,  after  the  close  of 
the  war  between  this  country  and  England,  she  return 
ed  to  the  neighborhood  of  Detroit,  where,  not  long  af 
terwards,  she  died.  Tecumseh  is  represented  to  have 
entertained  for  her  a  warm  affection,  and  to  have  treat 
ed  her,  uniformly,  with  respect.  He  was  in  the  habit 
of  making  her  many  valuable  presents. 

Sauwaseekau,  is  supposed  to  have  been  born  while 
his  parents  were  removing  from  the  south  to  the  Ohio. 

*  Stephen  Ruddell's  manuscript  narrative. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH,  63 

Concerning  him  few  particulars  have  been  preserved. 
He  stood  well  as  a  warrior,  and  was  killed  ill  battle 
during  Wayne's  campaign  in  1794. 

The  fourth  child,  TECUMSEH,  or  the  Shooting  Star,  is 
the  subject  of  this  biography. 

Of  the  fifth,  Nehaseemo,  no  information  has  been 
obtained. 

The  two  remaining  children,  Laulewasikaw,  called 
after  he  became  a  prophet  Tenskwautawa,  and  Kum- 
skaukau,  were  twins.  Such  is  understood  to  have  been 
the  statement  of  the  former,  in  giving  the  family  pedi 
gree.  Other  authorities*  say  that  Tecumseh,  Laule 
wasikaw,  and  Kumskaukau  were  all  three  bom  at  the 
same  time.  The  last  named  lived  to  be  an  old  man, 
and  died  without  distinction. 

Laulewasikaw,  as  will  appear  in  the  course  of  this 
work,  lived  to  attain  an  extraordinary  degree  of  noto 
riety.  He  became,  under  the  influence  of  his  brother 
Tecumseh,  a  powerful  agent  in  arousing  the  supersti 
tious  feelings  of  the  north-western  Indians,  in  that 
memorable  period  of  their  history,  between  the  year 
1805,  and  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  in  1811,  which  dis 
solved,  in  a  great  measure,  the  charm  by  which  he  had 
successfully  played  upon  their  passions  and  excited 
them  to  action.  The  character  and  prophetical  career 
of  this  individual  will  necessarily  be  fully  displayed  in 
the  progress  of  this  work.  There  is,  however,  one  trait 
of  his  character  which  may  be  appropriately  mentioned 
in  this  place — his  disposition  to  boast,  not  only  of  his 
own  standing  and  importance,  but  also  of  the  rank  and 
respectability  of  the  family  to  which  he  belonged.  As 
an  instance  of  this  peculiarity,  and  of  his  tact  in  telling 
a  plausible  tale,  the  following  narration  may  be  cited. 
It  is  an  ingenious  mixture  of  truth  and  fiction;  and 
was  written  down  by  the  gentleman  to  whom  it  was 
related  by  Laulewasikaw.  The  language  is  that  of  the 
individual  to  whom  the  narrative  was  made. 

"His  paternal  grandfather,  (according  to  his  state 
ment  of  the  family  pedigree)  was  a  Creek,  who,  at  a 
period  which  is  not  defined  in  the  manuscript  before 

*  John  Johnston  arul  Anthony  Shane. 


64  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

us,  went  to  one  of  the  southern  cities,  either  Savannah 
or  Charleston,  to  hold  a  council  with  the  English  gov 
ernor,  whose  daughter  was  present  at  some  of  the  inter 
views.  This  young  lady  had  conceived  a  violent  ad 
miration  for  the  Indian  character ;  and,  having  deter 
mined  to  bestow  herself  upon  some  «  warlike  lord"  of 
the  forest,  she  took  this  occasion  to  communicate  her 
partiality  to  her  father.  The  next  morning,  in  the 
council,  the  governor  enquired  of  the  Indians  which  of 
them  was  the  most  expert  hunter ;  and  the  grandfather 
of  Tecumseh,  then  a  young  and  handsome  man,  who 
sat  modestly  in  a  retired  part  of  the  room,  was  pointed 
oat  to  him.  When  the  council  broke  up  for  the  day, 
the  governor  asked  his  daughter  if  she  was  really  so 
partial  to  the  Indians,  as  to  prefer  selecting  .a  husband 
from  them,  and  finding  that  she  persisted  in  this  singu 
lar  predilection,  he  directed  her  attention  to  the  young 
Creek  warrior,  for  whom,  at  first  sight,  she  avowed  a 
decided  attachment.  On  the  following  morning  the 
governor  announced  to  the  Creeks  that  his  daughter 
was  disposed  to  marry  one  of  their  number  ;  and,  hav 
ing  pointed  out  the  individual,  added,  that  his  own  con 
sent  would  be  given.  The  chiefs  at  first  very  naturally 
doubted  whether  the  governor  was  in  earnest ;  but  up 
on  assuring  them  that  he  was  sincere,  they  advised  the 
young  man  to  embrace  the  lady  and  her  offer.  He 
was  not  so  ungallant  as  to  refuse  ;  and  having  consen 
ted  to  the  fortune  that  was  thus  buckled  on  him,  was 
immediately  taken  to  another  apartment,  where  he  was 
disrobed  of  his  Indian  costume  by  a  train  of  black  ser 
vants,  washed,  and  clad  in  a  new  suit,  and  the  mar 
riage  ceremony  was  immediately  performed. 

"  At  the  close  of  the  council  the  Creeks  returned 
home,  but  the  young  hunter  remained  with  his  wife. 
He  amused  himself  in  hunting,  in  which  he  was  very 
successful,  and  was  accustomed  to  take  a  couple  of 
black  servants  with  him,  who  seldom  failed  to  bring  in 
large  quantities  of  game.  He  lived  among  the  whites 
until  his  wife  had  borne  him  two  daughters  and  a  son. 
Upon  the  birth  of  the  latter,  the  governor  went  to  see 
his  grandson,  and  was  so  well  pleased,  that  he  called 
his  friends  together,  and  caused  thirty  guns  to  be  fired. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  $5 

When  the  boy  was  seven  or  eight  years  old  his  father 
iied,  and  the  governor  took  charge  of  the  child,  who 
was  often  visited  by  the  Creeks.  At  the  age  of  ten  or 
twelve,  he  was  permitted  to  accompany  the  Indians  to 
their  nation,  where  he  spent  some  time  ;  and  two  years 
after,  he  again  made  a  long  visit  to  the  Creeks,  who 
then,  with  a  few  Shawanoes,  lived  on  a  river  called 
Pauseekoalaakee,  and  began  to  adopt  their  dress  and 
customs.  They  gave  him  an  Indian  name,  Puckeshin- 
wan,  which  means  something  that  drops ;  and  after 
learning  their  language,  he  became  so  much  attached 
to  the  Indian  life,  that  when  the  governor  sent  for  him 
he  refused  to  return." 

Such  is  the  pleasant  and  artful  story,  narrated  with 
solemn  gravity  by  Laulewasikaw,  to  emblazon  the  fa 
mily  pedigree  by  connecting  it  with  the  governor  of 
one  of  the  provinces :  and  here,  for  the  present,  we 
take  our  leave  of  the  "  Open  Door." 

The  band  of  Shawanoes  with  whom  Pnckeshinwau 
and  his  family  emigrated  to  the  Ohio,  established  them 
selves,  in  the  first  place,  in  the  valley  of  the  Scioto, 
from  whence  they  subsequently  removed  to  the  waters 
of  Mad  River,  one  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Great  Miami. 
After  the  death  of  Puckeshinwau,  his  wife  Methoataas- 
kee,  returned  to  the  south,  where  she  died  at  an  advan 
ced  age,  among  the  Cherokees.  She  belonged  to  the 
Turtle  tribe  of  the  Shawanoes,  and  her  name  signifies, 
a  turtle  laying  eggs  in  the  sand.  That  she  was  a  re 
spectable  woman,  is  the  testimony  of  those  who  knew 
her  personally  :  that  she  was  naturally  a  superior  one, 
may  be  fairly  inferred  from  the  character  of  at  least  a 
part  of  her  children. 

With  this  brief  account  of  an  aboriginal  family, 
highly  reputable  in  itself,  but  on  which  the  name  of 
Tecumseh  has  conferred  no  small  degree  of  distinction, 
we  now  proceed  to  the  immediate  subject  of  this  me 
moir. 

F  2 


66  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Birth  place  of  Tecumseh — destruction  of  the  Piqua  village — early  habits 
of  Tecumseh — his  first  battle — effort  to  abolish  the  burning  of  prison 
ers — visits  the  Cherokees  in  the  south — engages  in  several  battles — re 
turns  to  Ohio  in  the  autumn  of  1790. 

SOME  diversity  of  opinion  has  prevailed  as  to  the 
birth  place  of  Tecumseh.  It  is  generally  supposed, 
and  indeed  is  stated  by  several  historians  to  have  been 
in  the  Scioto  valley,  near  the  place  where  Chillicothe 
now  stands.  Such,  however,  is  not  the  fact.  He  was 
born  in  the  valley  of  the  Miamis,  on  the  bank  of  Mad 
River,  a  few  miles  below  Springfield,  and  within  the 
limits  of  Clark  county.  Of  this  there  is  the  most  satis 
factory  evidence.  In  the  year  1805,  when  the  Indians 
were  assembling  at  Greenville,  as  it  was  feared  with 
some  hostile  intention  against  the  frontiers,  the  gover 
nor  of  Ohio  sent  Duncan  McArthur  and  Thomas  Wor- 
thington  to  that  place,  to  ascertain  the  object  and  dis 
position  of  these  Indians.  Tecumseh  and  three  other 
chiefs  agreed  to  return  with  these  messengers  to  Chilli 
cothe,  then  the  seat  of  government,  for  the  purpose  of 
holding  a  "talk"  with  the  governor.  General  McAr 
thur,  in  a  letter  to  the  author  of  this  work,  under  date 
of  19th  November,  1821,  says,  "When  on  the  way 
from  Greenville  to  Chillicothe,  Tecumseh  pointed  out 
to  us  the  place  where  he  was  born.  It  was  in  an  old 
Shawanoe  town,  on  the  north-west  side  of  Mad  River, 
about  six  miles  below  Springfield."  This  fact  is  corrob 
orated  by  Stephen  Ruddell,  the  early  and  intimate  asso 
ciate  of  Tecumseh,  who  states  that  he  was  "  born  in  the 
neighborhood  of  "old  Chillicothe,"  in  the  year  1768." 
The  "  old  Chillicothe"  here  spoken  of  was  a  Shawanoe 
village,  situated  on  Massie's  creek,  three  miles  north 
of  where  Xenia  now  stands,  and  about  ten  or  twelve 
miles  south  of  the  village  pointed  out  by  Tecumseh,  to 
general  McArthur,  as  the  spot  of  his  nativity.  This 
village  was  the  ancient  Piqua  of  the  Shawanoes,  and 
occupied  the  site  on  which  a  small  town  called  West 
Boston  has  since  been  built.  The  principal  part  of 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  67 

Piqua  stood  upon  a  plain,  rising  fifteen  or  twenty  feet 
above  the  river.  On  the  south,  between  the  village 
and  Mad  River,  there  'was  an  extensive  prairie — on  the 
north-east  some  bold  cliffs,  terminating  near  the  river — 
on  the  west  and  south-west,  level  timbered  land ;  while 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  stream,  another  prairie,  of 
varying  width,  stretched  back  to  the  high  grounds. 
The  river  sweeping  by  in  a  graceful  bend — the  precip 
itous  rocky  cliffs — the  undulating  hills  with  their  tow 
ering  trees — the  prairies  garnished  with  tall  grass  and 
brilliant  flowers — combined  to  render  the  situation  of 
Piqua  both  beautiful  and  picturesque. 

At  the  period  of  its  destruction,  Piqua  was  quite 
populous.  There  was  a  rude  log  fort  within  its  limits, 
surrounded  by  pickets.  It  was,  however,  sacked  and 
burnt  on  the  8th  of  August,  1780,  by  an  army  of  one 
thousand  men  from  Kentucky,  after  a  severe  and  well 
conducted  battle  with  the  Indians  who  inhabited  it. 
All  the  improvements  of  the  Indians,  including  more 
than  two  hundred  acres  of  corn  and  other  vegetables, 
then  growing  in  their  fields,  were  laid  waste  and  de 
stroyed.  The  town  was  never  afterwards  rebuilt  by 
the  Shawanoes.  Its  inhabitants  removed  to  the  Great 
Miami  river,  and  erected  another  town  which  they 
called  Piqua,  after  the  one  that  had  just  been  destroy 
ed  ;  and  in  defence  of  which  they  had  fought  with  the 
skill  and  valor  characteristic  of  their  nation.* 

The  birth  of  Tecumseh  has  been  placed  by  some 
writers  in  the  year  1771.  Riiddell  states  that  it  occur 
red  in  1768,  three  years  earlier,  and  this,  we  think,  is 
probably  the  true  period.  His  early  boyhood  gave 
promise  of  the  renown  of  his  maturer  years.  After 
the  death  of  his  father,  which  occurred  when  he  was 
in  his  sixth  year,  he  was  placed  under  the  charge  of 
his  oldest  brother,  Cheeseekau,  who  taught  him  to 
hunt,  led  him  to  battle,  and  labored  zealously  to  imbue 
his  mind  with  a  love  for  truth,  generosity,  and  the 
practice  of  those  cardinal  Indian  virtues,  courage  in 
battle  and  fortitude  in  suffering.  From  his  boyhood, 


*  For  this  sketch  of  Piqua,  the  author  is  chiefly  indebted  to  his  venera 
ble  friend,  Major  James  Galloway,  of  Xenia,  Ohio. 


38  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

Tecumseh  seems  to  have  had  a  passion  for  war.  His 
pastimes,  like  those  of  Napoleon,  were  generally  in  the 
sham-battle  field.  He  was  the  leader  of  his  compan 
ions  in  all  their  sports,  and  was  accustomed  to  divide 
them  into  parties,  one  of  which  he  always  headed,  for 
the  purpose  of  fighting  mimic  battles,  in  which  he  usu- 
aJJy  distinguished  himself  by  his  activity,  strength  and 
skill."*  His  dexterity  in  the  use  of  the  bow  and  arrow 
exceeded  that  of  all  the  other  Indian  boys  of  his  tribe, 
by  whom  he  was  loved  and  respected,  and  over  whom 
he  exercised  unbounded  influence.  He  was  generally 
surrounded  by  a  set  of  companions  who  were  ready  to 
stand  or  fall  by  his  side.t  It  is  stated  that  the  first  bat 
tle  in  which  he  was  engaged,  occurred  on  Mad  River, 
near  where  Dayton  stands,  between  a  party  of  Ken- 
tuckians,  commanded  by  colonel  Benjamin  Logan,  and 
some  Shawanoes.  At  this  time  Tecumseh  was  very 
young,  and  joined  the  expedition  under  the  care  of  his 
brother,  who  was  wounded  at  the  first  fire.  It  is  rela 
ted  by  some  Indian  chiefs  that  Tecumseh,  at  the  com 
mencement  of  the  action,  became  frightened  and  ran.J 
This  may  be  true,  but  it  is  the  only  instance  in  which 
he  was  ever  known  to  shrink  from  danger,  or  to  loose 
that  presence  of  mind  for  which  he  was  ever  after 
wards  remarkably  distinguished. 

The  next  action  in  which  Tecumseh  participated, 
and  in  which  he  manifested  signal  prowess,  was  an 
attack  made  by  the  Indians  upon  some  flat  boats,  de 
scending  the  Ohio,  above  Limestone,  now  Maysville. 
The  year  in  which  it  occurred  is  not  stated,  but  Tecum 
seh  was  not  probably  more  than  sixteen  or  seventeen 
years  of  age.  The  boats  were  captured,  and  all  the 
persons  belonging  to  them  killed,  except  one,  who  was 
taken  prisoner,  and  afterwards  burnt.  Tecumseh  was 
a  silent  spectator  of  the  scene,  having  never  witnessed 
the  burning  of  a  prisoner  before.  After  it  was  over, 
he  expressed  in  strong  terms,  his  abhorrence  of  the 
act,  and  it  was  finally  concluded  by  the  party  that  they 


*  Stephen  Ruddell's  MS.  account.  f  Anthony  Shane. 

*  A  similar  statement  is  made  in  regard  to  the  first  battle  of  the  celebra 
tes  Red  Jacket. 


LIFE    OP    TECUM3EH.  69 

would  never  burn  any  more  prisoners ;  *  and  to  this 
resolution,  he  himself,  and  the  party  also,  it  is  believed, 
ever  afterwards  scrupulously  adhered.  It  is  not  less 
creditable  to  the  humanity  than  to  the  genius  of  Te- 
cumseh,  that  he  should  have  taken  this  noble  stand, 
and  by  the  force  and  eloquence  of  his  appeal,  have 
brought  his  companions  to  the  same  resolution.  He 
was  then  but  a  boy,  yet  he  had  the  independence  to 
attack  a  cherished  custom  of  his  tribe,  and  the  power 
of  argument  to  convince  them,  against  all  their  precon 
ceived  notions  of  right  and  the  rules  of  warfare,  that 
the  custom  should  be  abolished.  That  his  effort  to  put 
a  stop  to  this  cruel  and  revolting  rite,  was  not  prompt 
ed  by  any  temporary  expediency,  but  was  the  result 
of  a  humane  disposition,  and  a  right  sense  of  justice,  is 
abundantly  shown  by  his  conduct  towards  prisoners  in 
after  life. 

The  boats  were  owned  by  traders.  The  number  of 
whites  killed  in  the  engagement  has  not  been  ascertain 
ed.  In  the  attack  upon  them,  Tecumseh  not  only  be 
haved  with  great  courage,  but  even  left  in  the  back 
ground  some  of  the  oldest  and  bravest  warriors  of  the 
party.  From  this  time  his  reputation  as  a  brave,  and 
his  influence  over  other  minds,  rose  rapidly  among  the 
tribe  to  which  he  belonged. 

About  the  year  1787,  Cheeseekau  and  Tecumseh, 
with  a  party  of  Kiscopokes,  one  of  the  tribes  of  the 
Shawanoe  nation,  moved  westward  on  a  hunting  and 
predatory  expedition.  They  made  a  stand  for  some 
months  on  the  waters  of  the  Mississinnaway,  and  then 
crossed  over  to  the  Mississippi,  opposite  the  mouth  of 
Apple  creek,  where  they  encamped  and  remained  for 
eight  or  nine  months.  From  thence  they  proceeded  to 
wards  the  Cherokee  country.  On  their  route,  while  op 
posite  fort  Massac,  they  engaged  in  a  buffalo  chase,  dur 
ing  which  Tecumseh  was  thrown  from  his  horse,  and 
had  his  thigh  broken.!  This  accident  detained  them  for 
some  months  at  the  place  where  it  occurred.  So  soon  as 
he  had  recovered,  the  party,  headed  by  Cheeseekau,  pro- 


*  Stephen  Ruddell. 

f  Shane  thinks  both  thighs  were  broken,  Ruddell  says  but  one, 


70  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

ceeded  on  their  way  to  the  country  of  the  Cherokees, 
who  were  then  at  hostilities  with  the  whites.  With 
that  fondness  for  adventure  and  love  of  war,  which 
have  ever  marked  the  Shawanoe  character,  they  imme 
diately  offered  assistance  to  their  brethren  of  the  south, 
which  being  accepted,  they  joined  in  the  contest. 

The  engagement  in  which  they  participated  was  an 
attack  upon  a  fort,  the  name  and  position  of  which 
were  not  known  to  our  informant.  The  Indians,  it  is 
well  known  are  always  superstitious,  and  from  the  fact 
of  Cheeseekau,  having  foretold  his  death,  its  occurrence 
disheartened  them,  and  in  despite  of  the  influence  of 
Tecumseh  and  the  Cherokee  leaders,  who  rose  above 
the  superstition  of  their  comrades,  the  attack  was  given 
up,  and  a  sudden  retreat  followed. 

Tecumseh,  who  had  left  the  banks  of  the  Miami  in 
quest  of  adventures,  and  for  the  purpose  of  winning  re 
nown  as  a  warrior,  told  the  party  that  he  was  deter 
mined  not  to  return  to  his  native  land,  until  he  had 
achieved  some  act  worthy  of  being  recounted.  He 
accordingly  selected  eight  or  ten  men  and  proceeded  to 
the  nearest  settlement,  attacked  a  house,  killed  all  the 
men  in  it,  and  took  the  women  and  children  prisoners. 
He  did  not  immediately  retreat,  but  engaged  in  some 
other  similar  adventures.  During  this  expedition  he 
was  three  times  attacked  in  the  night  in  his  encamp 
ment;  but  owing  to  his  good  judgment  in  the  choice  of 
his  camping  ground,  and  his  habitual  watchfulness 
when  in  an  enemy's  country,  no  advantage  was  gained 
over  him.  On  one  occasion,  while  encamped  in  the  edge 
of  a  cane-brake  on  the  waters  of  the  Tennessee,  he  was 
assaulted  by  a  party  of  whites,  about  thirty  in  num 
ber.  Tecumseh  had  not  lain  down,  but  was  engaged 
at  the  moment  of  the  attack,  in  dressing  some  meat. 
He  instantly  sprang  to  his  feet,  and  ordering  his  small 
party  to  follow  him,  rushed  upon  his  foes  with  perfect 
fearlessness;  and,  having  killed  two,  put  the  whole 
party  to  flight,  he  losing  none  of  his  own  men. 

Tecumseh  and  his  party  remained  at  the  south  near 
ly  two  years,  traversing  that  region  of  country,  visiting 
the  different  tribes  of  Indians,  and  engaging  in  the  bor 
der  forays  which  at  that  period  were  constantly  occur- 


LIFE    OF   TECTJMSEH.  71 

ring  between  the  whites  and  the  native  possessors  of 
the  soil.  He  now  determined  to  return  home,  and 
accordingly  set  out  with  eight  of  his  party.  They  pass 
ed  through  western  Virginia,  crossed  the  Ohio  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Scioto,  and  visiting  the  Machichac  towns 
on  the  head  waters  of  Mad  River,  from  thence  proceed 
ed  to  the  Auglaize,  which  they  reached  in  the  fall  of 
1790,  shortly  after  the  defeat  of  general  Harmar,  hav~ 
ing  been  absent  from  Ohio  upwards  of  three  years. 


CHAPTER  III, 

Tscumseh  attacked  near  Big  Rock  by  some  whites  tinder  Robert  IVT'Clel- 
land — severe  battle  with  some  Kentuckians  on  the  East  Fork  of  the  Little 
Miami— attack  upon  Tecumseh  in  1793,  on  the  waters  of  Paint  creek 
— Tecumseh  present  at  the  attack  on  fort  Recovery  in  1794 — partici 
pates  in  the  battle  of  the  Rapids  of  the  Maurnee,  in  1794. 

FROM  the  period  of  his  return,  until  August  of  the  fol 
lowing  year,  1791,  Tecumseh  spent  his  time  in  hunt 
ing.  In  the  autumn  of  this  year,  when  information 
reached  the  Indians,  that  general  St.  Clair  and  his  army 
were  preparing  to  march  from  fort  Washington,  into 
their  country,  this  chief  headed  a  small  party  of  spies, 
who  went  out  for  the  purpose  of  watching  the  move 
ments  of  the  invading  force.*  While  lying  on  Nettle 
creek,  a  small  stream  which  empties  into  the  Great.  Mi 
ami,  general  St.  Clair  and  his  army  passed  out  through 
Greenville  to  the  head  waters  of  the  Wabash,  where 
he  was  defeated.  Tecumseh,  of  course,  had  no  per. 
sonal  participation  in  this  engagement,  so  creditable  to 
the  valor  of  the  Indians,  and  so  disastrous  to  the  arms 
and  renown  of  the  United  States. 

In  December,  1792,  Tecumseh,  with  ten  other  war 
riors  and  a  boy,  were  encamped  near  Big  Rock,  be 
tween  Loramie's  creek  and  Piqua,  for  the  purpose  of 
hunting.  Early  one  morning,  while  the  party  were 
seated  round  the  fire5  engaged  in  smoking,  they  were 
fired  upon  by  a  company  of  whites  near  treble  their 

*  Stephen  Ruddell. 


• 

72  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

number.  Tecumseh  raised  the  war-whoop,  upon  which 
the  Indians  sprang  to  their  arms,  and  promptly  return 
ed  the  fire.  He  then  directed  the  boy  to  run,  and  in 
turning  round  a  moment  afterwards,  perceived  that  one 
of  his  men,  Black  Turkey,  was  running  also.  He  had 
already  retreated  to  the  distance  of  one  hundred  yards , 
yet  such  was  his  fear  of  Tecumseh,  he  instantly  obeyed 
the  order  to  return,  indignantly  given  him,  and  joined 
in  the  battle.  Two  of  the  whites  were  killed — one  of 
them  by  Tecumseh — before  they  retreated.  While  pur 
suing  them  Tecumseh  broke  the  trigger  of  his  rifle, 
which  induced  him  to  give  up  the  chase,  or  probably 
more  of  the  whites  would  have  fallen.  They  were 
commanded  by  Robert  M'Clelland.  Tecumseh  lost 
none  of  his  men ;  two  of  them,  however,  were  wound 
ed,  one  of  whom  was  Black  Turkey.* 

In  the  month  of  March,  1792,  some  horses  were  sto 
len  by  the  Indians,  from  the  settlements  in  Mason 
county,  Kentucky.  A  party  of  whites  to  the  number 
of  thirty-six,  was  immediately  raised  for  the  purpose 
of  pursuing  them.  It  embraced  Kenton,  Whiteman, 
M'Intire,  Downing,  Washburn,  Calvin  and  several  oth 
er  experienced  woodsmen.  The  first  named,  Simon 
Kenton,  a  distinguished  Indian  fighter,  was  placed  in 
command.  The  trail  of  the  Indians  being  taken,  it 
was  found  -they  had  crossed  the  Ohio  just  below  the 
mouth  of  Lee's  creek,  which  was  reached  by  the  pur 
suing  party  towards  evening.  Having  prepared  rafts, 
they  crossed  the  Ohio  that  night,  and  encamped.  Early 
next  morning  the  trail  was  again  taken  and  pursued, 
on  a  north  course,  all  day,  the  weather  being  bad  and 
the  ground  wet.  On  the  ensuing  morning  twelve  of 
the  men  were  unable  to  continue  the  pursuit,  and  were 
permitted  to  return.  The  remainder  followed  the  trail 
until  eleven  o'clock,  A.  M.,  when  a  bell  was  heard, 
which  they  supposed  indicated  their  approach  to  the 
Indian  camp.  A  halt  was  called,  and  all  useless  bag 
gage  and  clothing  laid  aside.  Whiteman  and  two 
others  were  sent  ahead  as  spies,  in  diiferent  directions, 
each  being  followed  by  a  detachment  of  the  party. 

*  Anthony  Shane, 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  73 

After  moving  forward  some  distance,  it  was  found  that 
the  bell  was  approaching  them.  They  halted  and 
soon  perceived  a  solitary  Indian  riding  towards  them. 
When  within  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards,  he  was  fired 
at  and  killed.  Kenton  directed  the  spies  to  proceed, 
being  now  satisfied  that  the  camp  of  the  Indians  was 
near  at  hand.  They  pushed  on  rapidly,  and  after  go 
ing  about  four  miles,  found  the  Indians  encamped,  on 
the  south-east  side  of  the  east  fork  of  the  Little  Miami, 
a  few  miles  above  the  place  where  the  town  of  Wil- 
liamsburg  has  since  been  built.  The  indications  of  a 
considerable  body  of  Indians  were  so  strong,  that  the 
expediency  of  an  attack  at  that  hour  of  the  day  was 
doubted  by  Kenton.  A  hurried  council  was  held,  in 
which  it  was  determined  to  retire,  if  it  could  be  done 
without  discovery,  and  lie  concealed  until  night,  and 
then  assault  the  camp.  This  plan  was  carried  into 
execution.  Two  of  the  spies  were  left  to  watch  the 
Indians,  and  ascertain  whether  the  pursuing  party  had 
been  discovered.  The  others  retreated  for  some  dis 
tance  and  took  a  commanding  position  on  a  ridge. 
The  spies  watched  until  night,  and  then  reported  to 
their  commander,  that  they  had  not  been  discovered  by 
the  enemy.  The  men  being  wet  and  cold,  they  were 
now  marched  down  into  a  hollow,  where  they  kindled 
fires,  dried  their  clothes,  and  put  their  rifles  in  order. 
The  party  was  then  divided  into  three  detachments, — 
Kenton  commanding  the  right,  M'Intire  the  centre,  and 
Downing  the  left.  By  agreement,  the  three  divisions 
were  to  move  towards  the  camp,  simultaneously,  and 
when  they  had  approached  as  near  as  possible,  without 
giving  an  alarm,  were  to  be  guided  in  the  commence 
ment  of  the  attack,  by  the  fire  from  Kenton's  party. 
When  Downing  and  his  detachment  had  approached 
close  to  the  camp,  an  Indian  rose  upon  his  feet,  and 
began  to  stir  up  the  fire,  which  was  but  dimly  burning. 
Fearing  a  discovery,  Downirig's  party  instantly  shot 
him  down.  This  was  followed  by  a  general  fire  from 
the  three  detachments,  upon  the  Indians  who  were 
sleeping  under  some  marquees  and  bark  tents,  close 
upon  the  margin  of  the  stream.  But  unfortunately, 
as  it  proved  in  the  sequel,  Kenton's  party  had  taken 

G 


74  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

«  Boone,"  as  their  watch-word.  This  name  happening 
to  be  as  familiar  to  the  enemy  as  themselves,  led  to  some 
confusion  in  the  course  of  the  engagement.  When 
fired  upon,  the  Indians  instead  of  retreating  across  the 
stream  as  had  been  anticipated,  boldly  stood  to  their 
arms,  returned  the  fire  of  the  assailants  and  rushed 
upon  them.  They  were  reinforced  moreover  from  a 
camp  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,*  which  until 
then,  had  been  unperceived  by  the  whites.  In  a  few 
minutes  the  Indians  and  the  Kentuckians  were  blended 
with  each  other,  and  the  cry  of  "  Boone/'  and  «  Che 
Boone/'  arose  simultaneously  from  each  party. 

It  was  after  midnight  when  the  attack  was  made, 
and  there  being  no  moon,  it  was  very  dark.  Kenton 
perceiving  that  his  men  were  likely  to  be  overpowered, 
ordered  a  retreat  after  the  attack  had  lasted  for  a  few 
minutes ;  this  was  continued  through  the  remainder  of 
the  night  and  part  of  the  next  day,  the  Indians  pursu 
ing  them,  but  without  killing  more  than  one  of  the  re 
treating  party.  The  Kentuckians  lost  but  two  rrjen, 
Alexander  Mclntire  and  John  Barr.t  The  loss  of  the 
Indians  was  much  greater,  according  to  the  statements 
of  some  prisoners,  who,  after  the  peace  of  1795,  were 
released  and  returned  to  Kentucky.  They  related  that 
fourteen  Indians  were  killed,  and  seventeen  wounded. 
They  stated  further,  that  there  were  in  the  camp  about 
one  hundred  warriors,  among  them  several  chiefs  of 
note,  including  Tecumseh,  Battise,  Black  Snake,  Wolf 
and  Chinskau ;  and  that  the  party  had  been  formed  for 
the  purpose  of  annoying  the  settlements  in  Kentucky, 
and  attacking  boats  descending  the  Ohio  river.  Ken- 
ton  and  his  party  were  three  days  in  reaching  Lime 
stone,  during  two  of  which  they  were  without  food, 
and  destitute  of  sufficient  clothing  to  protect  them  from 
the  cold  winds  and  rains  of  March.  The  foregoing 
particulars  of  this  expedition  are  taken  from  the  manu 
script  narrative  of  general  Benjamin  Whiteman,  one 

*  M'Donald,  in  his  interesting  "Biographical  Sketches,"  of  some  of  the 
western  pioneers,  says  this  "  second  line  of  tents"  was  on  the  lower  bottom 
of  the  creek  and  not  on  the  opposite  side  of  it. 

f  The  father  of  the  late  Major  William  Barr,  for  many  years  a  citizon 
of  Cincinnati. 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  75 

of  the  early  and  gallant  pioneers  to  Kentucky,  now  a 
resident  of  Green  county,  Ohio. 

The  statements  of  Anthony  Shane  and  of  Stephen 
Ruddell,  touching  this  action,  vary  in  some  particulars 
from  that  which  has  been  given  above,  and  also  from 
the  narrative  in  McDonald's  Sketches.  The  principal 
difference  relates  to  the  number  of  Indians  in  the  en 
gagement,  and  the  loss  sustained  by  them.  They  re 
port  but  two  killed,  and  that  the  Indian  force  was 
less  than  that  of  the  whites.  Ruddell  states  that  at 
the  commencement  of  the  attack,  Tecumseh  was  lying 
by  the  fire,  outside  of  the  tents.  When  the  first  gun 
was  heard  he  sprang  to  his  feet,  and  calling  upon  Sin- 
namatha*  to  follow  his  example  and  charge,  he  rushed 
forward,  and  killed  one  of  the  whites  t  with  his  war- 
club.  The  other  Indians,  raising  the  war-whoop,  seiz 
ed  their  arms,  and  rushing  upon  Kenton  and  his  party, 
compelled  them,  after  a  severe  contest  of  a  few  minutes, 
to  retreat.  One  of  the  Indians,  in  the  midst  of  the  eiir 
gagement,  fell  into  the  river,  and  in  the  effort  to  get  out 
of  the  water,  made  so  much  noise,  that  it  created  a 
belief  on  the  minds  of  the  whites  that  a  reinforcement 
was  crossing  the  stream  to  aid  Tecumseh.  This  is  sup 
posed  to  have  hastened  the  order  from  Kenton,  for  his 
men  to  retreat.  The  afternoon  prior  to  the  battle,  one 
of  Kenton's  men,  by  the  name  of  Mclntire,  succeeded 
in  catching  an  Indian  horse,  which  he  tied  in  the  rear  of 
the  camp ;  and,  when  a  retreat  was  ordered,  he  mount 
ed  and  rode  off.  Early  in  the  morning,  Tecumseh  and 
four  of  his  men  set  off  in  pursuit  of  the  retreating  party. 
Having  fallen  upon  the  trail  of  Mclntire,  they  pursued 
it  for  some  distance,  and  at  length  overtook  him.  He 
had  struck  a  fire  and  was  cooking  some  meat.  When 
Mclntire  discovered  his  pursuers,  he  instantly  fled  at 
full  speed.  Tecumseh  and  two  others  followed,  and 
were  fast  gaining  on  him,  when  he  turned  and  raised 
lis  gun.  Two  of  the  Indians,  who  happened  to  be  in 
advance  of  Tecumseh,  sprung  behind  trees,  but  he 


*  Or  Big  Fish,  the  name  by  which  Stephen  Ruddell,  then  fighting  with 
Tecumseh,  was  called. 

f  John  Barr,  referred  to  in  a  preceding  note. 


76  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

rushed  upon  Mclntire  and  made  him  prisoner.  He 
was  tied  and  taken  back  to  the  battle  ground.  Upon 
reaching  it,  Tecumseh  deemed  it  prudent  to  draw  off 
his  men,  lest  the  whites  should  rally  and  renew  the  at 
tack.  He  requested  some  of  the  Indians  to  catch  the 
horses,  but  they,  hesitating,  he  undertook  to  do  it  him 
self,  assisted  by  one  of  the  party.  When  he  returned 
to  camp  with  the  horses,  he  found  that  his  men  had 
killed  Mclntire.  At  this  act  of  cruelty  to  a  prisoner, 
he  was  exceedingly  indignant ;  declaring  that  it  was  a 
cowardly  act  to  kill  a  man  when  tied  and  a  prisoner. 
The  conduct  of  Tecumseh  in  this  engagement,  and  in 
the  events  of  the  following  morning,  is  creditable  alike 
to  his  courage  and  humanity.  Resolutely  brave  in  bat 
tie,  his  arm  was  never  uplifted  against  a  prisoner,  noi 
did  he  suffer  violence  to  be  inflicted  upon  a  captive 
without  promptly  rebuking  it. 

McDonald,  in  speaking  of  this  action,  says  : 
"  The  celebrated  Tecumseh  commanded  the  Indians. 
His  cautious  and  fearless  intrepidity  made  him  a  host 
wherever  he  went.  In  military  tactics,  night  attacks 
are  not  allowable,  except  in  cases  like  this,  when  the 
assailing  party  are  far  inferior  in  numbers.  Sometimes 
in  night  attacks,  panics  and  confusion  are  created  in  the 
attacked  party,  which  may  render  them  a  prey  to  infe 
rior  numbers.  Kenton  trusted  to  something  like  this 
on  the  present  occasion,  but  was  disappointed ;  for  when 
Tecumseh  was  present,  his  influence  over  the  minds  of 
his, followers  infused  that  confidence  in  his  tact  and  in 
trepidity,  that  they  could  only  be  defeated  by  force  of 
numbers." 

Some  time  in  the  spring  of  1793,  Tecumseh  and  a 
few  of  his  followers,  while  hunting  in  the  Scioto  valley 
on  the  waters  of  Paint  creek,  were  unexpectedly  attack 
ed  by  a  party  of  white  men  from  Mason  county,  Ken 
tucky.  The  circumstances  which  led  to  this  skirmish 
were  the  following.  Early  in  the  spring  of  this  year, 
an  express  reached  the  settlement  in  Mason,  that  some 
stations  had  been  attacked  and  captured  on  Slate  creek, 
in  Bath  county,  Kentucky,  and  that  the  Indians  were 
returning  with  their  prisoners  to  Ohio.  A  party  of 
thirty-three  men  was  immediately  raised  to  cut  off  their 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  77 

retreat.     These  were  divided  into  three  companies,  of 

ten  men  each ; — Simon  Kenton  commanding  one, 

Baker  another,  and  James  Ward  the  third.  The  whole 
party  crossed  the  Ohio  river  at  Limestone,  and  aimed 
to  strike  the  Scioto  above  the  mouth  of  Paint  creek. 
After  crossing  this  latter  stream,  near  where  the  great 
road  from  Maysville  to  Chillicothe  now  crosses  it, 
evening  came  on,  and  they  halted  for  the  night.  In  a 
short  time  they  heard  a  noise,  and  a  little  examination 
disclosed  to  them  that  they  were  in  the  immediate  vi 
cinity  of  an  Indian  encampment.  Their  horses  were 
promptly  taken  back  some  distance  and  tied,  to  prevent 
an  alarm.  A  council  was  held, — captain  Baker  offered 
to  go  and  reconnoitre,  which  being  agreed  to,  he  took 
one  of  his  company  and  made  the  examination.  He 
found  the  Indians  encamped  on  the  bank  of  the  creek, 
their  horses  being  between  them  and  the  camp  of  the 
whites.  After  Baker's  report  was  made,  the  party  de 
termined  to  remain  where  they  were  until  near  daylight 
the  next  morning ;  and  then  to  make  an  attack  in  the  fol 
lowing  manner.  Captain  Baker  and  his  men  were  to 
march  round  and  take  a  position  on  the  bank  of  the 
stream,  in  front  of  the  Indian  camp  :  captain  Ward  was 
to  occupy  the  ground  in  the  rear ;  and  captain  Kenton 
one  side,  while  the  river  presented  a  barrier  on  the 
fourth,  thus  guarding  against  a  retreat  of  the  Indians. 
It  was  further  agreed  that  the  attack  was  not  to  com 
mence  until  there  was  light  enough  to  shoot  with  accu 
racy.  Before  Kenton  and  W'ard  had  reached  the  posi 
tions  they  were  respectively  to  occupy,  the  bark  of  a 
dog  in  the  Indian  camp  was  heard,  and  then  the  report 
of  a  gun.  Upon  this  alarm,  Baker's  men  instantly  fir 
ed,  and  captains  Kenton  and  Ward,  with  their  compa 
nies,  raising  the  battle  cry,  rushed  towards  the  camp. 
To  their  surprise,  they  found  Baker  and  his  men  in  the 
rear,  instead  of  the  front  of  the  Indians,  thus  derang 
ing  the  plan  of  attack,  whether  from  design  or  acci 
dent  is  unknown.  The  Indians  sent  back  the  battle  cry, 
retreated  a  few  paces,  and  treed.  It  was  still  too  dark 
to  fire  with  precision,  but  random  shots  were  made, 
and  a  terrible  shouting  kept  up  by  the  Indians.  While 
the  parties  were  thus  at  bay,  Tecumseh  had  the  address 

G  2 


J8  .LIFE    02     TEeU 

to  send  a  part  of  their  men  to  the  rear  of  the  Kenlucij- 
ians  for  the  horses ;  and  when  they  had  been  taken 
to  the  front,  which  was  accomplished  without  discove 
ry,  the  Indians  mounted  and  effected  their  escape,  car 
rying  with  them  John  Ward,  the  only  one  of  their  party 
who  was  shot.  This  individual,  a  white  man,  had 
been  captured  when  three  years  old,  on  Jackson,  one 
of  the  tributaries  of  James  river,  in  Virginia.  He  had 
been  raised  by  the  Indians,  among  whom  he  had  mar- 
yied,  and  reared  several  children.  He  was  the  brothe? 
of  James  Ward,  one  of  the  leaders  of  this  expedition,, 
and  died  of  his  wound  a  few  days  after  the  engage 
ment,  as  was  subsequently  ascertained.  No  Indian 
was  killed  in  this  skirmish,  and  but  one  of  the  Kentuck- 
ians,  Jacob  Jones,  a  member  of  Baker's  detachment. 
No  pursuit  of  the  Indians  was  made  from  this  point,, 
nor  did  they  prove  to  be  the  same  party  who  had  been 
engaged  in  the  attack  upon  the  Slate  creek  station.* 

In  McDonald's  Sketches,  it  is  stated  that  «  three  In 
dians  were  killed  in  this  action ;  and  that  when  fired 
upon  by  their  assailants,  they  dashed  through  the  creek, 
and  scattered  through  the  woods,  like  a  flock  of  young 
partridges." 

On  these  points,  the  worthy  author  of  the  «  Sketches"" 
has  undoubtedly  been  misinformed.  The  Indians  lost 
but  one  man,  John  Ward  ;  and  after  having  treed,  main 
tained  their  ground  until  they  had  adroitly  obtained 
possession  of  their  horses,  and  then  succeeded  in  ma 
king  their  escape,  carrying  off  not  only  the  wounded 
man,  but  also  the  women  and  children  who  were  with 
them  when  attacked.  This  we  learn  from  authorities 
before  us,  on  which  reliance  may  be  placed.t  By  one 
of  these,  it  appears  that  there  were  but  six  or  seven 
warriors  in  the  party ;  and,  that  when  the  attack  was 
made,  Tecumseh  called  out  to  them  that  the  women 
and  children  must  be  defended,  and  it  was  owing 
to  his  firmness  and  influence  that  the  assailants  were 
kept  at  bay  until  the  horses  of  his  party  were  secured, 

*  For  the  foregoing  details  of  this  little  expedition,  the  author  is  indebt 
ed  to  captain  James  Ward,  of  Mason  county,  Kentucky,  who  commanded 
one  of  the  detachments  on  this  occasion. 

f  Anthony  Shane.     Stephen  Ruddell. 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  79 

and  the  necessary  arrangements  made  for  a  hasty  re 
treat. 

After  this  engagement,  it  is  not  known  that  Tecum- 
seh  was  a  party  to  any  warlike  movement,  until  the 
summer  of  the  following  year.  He  returned  to  the 
waters  of  the  Miami,  and  spent  his  time  in  hunting,  for 
which  he  had  a  great  fondness,  and  in  which  he  was 
generally  more  successful  than  any  other  member  of 
his  tribe. 

After  general  Wayne  assumed  the  command  of  the 
north-western  army,  he  caused  a  fort  to  be  built  on 
the  spot  where  the  unfortunate  defeat  of  his  predeces 
sor,  general  Arthur  St.  Clair,  had  occurred.  This  fort 
was  named  Recovery. 

In  the  summer  of  1794,  an  attack  was  made  upon  it 
by  a  numerous  body  of  Indians,  among  whom  was  Te- 
cumseh.  They  were  accompanied  by  a  British  officer, 
and  some  artillerists,  furnished  with  fixed  ammunition, 
suited  to  the  calibre  of  some  field  pieces  which  the  In 
dians  had  taken  from  general  St.  Clair,  at  the  time  of 
his  defeat.*  In  referring  to  this  attack  and  the  move 
ments  of  general  Wayne,  Withers,  in  his  "  Chronicles 
of  Border  Warfare,"  says  : 

"  Before  the  troops  marched  from  fort  Washington, 
it  was  deemed  advisable  to  have  an  abundant  supply 
of  provisions  in  the  diiferent  forts  in  advance  of  this,  as 
well  for  the  support  of  their  respective  garrisons,  as  for 
the  subsistence  of  the  general  army,  in  the  event  of  its 
being  driven  into  them,  by  untoward  circumstances, 
With  this  view,  three  hundred  pack  horses,  laden  with 
flour,  were  sent  on  to  fort  Recovery;  and  as  it  was* 
known  that  considerable  bodies  of  the  enemy  were  con 
stantly  hovering  about  the  forts,  and  awaiting  oppor 
tunities  of  cutting  otf  any  detachments  from  the  main 
army,  major  McMahon,  with  ninety  riflemen  under 
captain  Hartshorn,  and  fifty  dragoons  under  captain 
Taylor,  was  ordered  on  as  an  escort.  This  force  was 
so  large  as  to  discourage  the  savages  from  making  an 
attack,  until  they  should  unite  their  several  war  parties, 


*  For  this  fact  see  general  Harrison's  Address  on  the  50th  Anniversary 
of  the  first  settlement  of  Ohio. 


80  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEII. 

and  before  this  could  be  effected,  major  McMahon 
reached  the  place  of  his  destination. 

"  On  the  30th  of  July,  as  the  escort  was  about  leav 
ing  fort  Recovery,  it  was  attacked  by  a  body  of  one 
thousand  Indians,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  fort. 
Captain  Hartshorn  had  advanced  only  three  or  four 
hundred  yards,  at  the  head  of  the  riflemen,  when  he 
was  unexpectedly  beset  on  every  side.  With  the  most 
consummate  bravery  and  good  conduct,  he  maintained 
the  unequal  conflict,  until  major  McMahon,  placing 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  cavalry,  charged  upon  the 
enemy,  and  was  repulsed  with  considerable  loss.  Ma 
jor  McMahon,  captain  Taylor  and  cornet  Torrey  fell, 
upon  the  first  onset,  and  many  of  the  privates  were 
killed  or  wounded.  The  whole  savage  force  being 
now  brought  to  press  on  captain  Hartshorn,  that  brave 
officer  was  forced  to  try  and  regain  the  fort ;  but  the 
enemy  interposed  its  strength  to  prevent  this  movement. 
Lieutenant  Drake  and  ensign  Dodd,  with  twenty  vol 
unteers,  marched  from  the  fort,  and  forcing  a  passage 
through  a  column  of  the  enemy,  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  joined  the  rifle  corps  at  the  instant  that  cap 
tain  Hartshorn  received  a  shot  which  broke  his  thigh. 
Lieutenant  Craig  being  killed,  and  lieutenant  Marks 
taken  prisoner,  lieutenant  Drake  conducted  the  retreat; 
and  while  endeavoring  for  an  instant  to  hold  the  enemy 
in  check,  so  as  to  enable  the  soldiers  to  bring  off  their 
wounded  captain,  himself  received  a  shot  in  the  groin, 
and  the  retreat  was  resumed,  leaving  captain  Hartshorn 
on  the  field. 

"  When  the  remnant  of  the  troops  came  within  the 
walls  of  the  fort,  lieutenant  Michael,  who  had  been 
detached  at  an  early  period  of  the  battle  by  captain 
Hartshorn  to  the  flank  of  the  enemy,  was  found  to  be 
missing,  and  was  given  up  as  lost ;  but  while  his  friends 
were  deploring  his  unfortunate  fate,  he  and  lieutenant 
Marks,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner,  were  seen  rush 
ing  through  the  enemy  from  opposite  directions,  to 
wards  the  fort.  They  gained  it  safely,  notwithstand 
ing  they  were  actively  pursued,  and  many  shots  fired 
at  them.  Lieutenant  Marks  had  got  off  by  knock 
ing  down  the  Indian  who  held  him  prisoner;  and 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  81 

lieutenant  Michael  had  lost  all  of  his  party  but  three 
men." 

The  official  letter  of  general  Wayne  giving  an  ac 
count  of  this  action,  places  the  loss  of  the  whites  at 
twenty-two  killed  and  thirty  wounded.  "  The  ene 
my,"  continues  the  report,  "were  soon  repulsed  with 
great  slaughter,  but  immediately  rallied  and  reiterated 
the  attack,  keeping  up  a  very  heavy  and  constant  fire, 
at  a  more  respectable  distance,  for  the  remainder  of  the 
day,  which  was  answered  with  spirit  and  effect  by  the 
garrison,  and  that  part  of  major  McMahon's  command 
that  had  regained  the  fort.  The  savages  were  employ 
ed  during  the  night,  (which  was  dark  and  foggy,)  in 
carrying  off  their  dead  by  torchlight,  which  occasionally 
drew  a  fire  from  the  garrison.  They  nevertheless  suc 
ceeded  so  well,  that  there  were  but  eight  or  ten  bodies 
left  on  the  field,  and  those  close  under  the  influence  of 
the  fire  from  the  fort.  The  enemy  again  renewed  the 
attack  on  the  morning  of  the  first  inst.,  but  were  ulti 
mately  compelled  to  retreat  with  loss  and  disgrace  from 
that  very  field,  where  they  had  upon  a  former  occasion, 
been  proudly  victorious." 

Tecumseh  fought  in  the  decisive  battle  between  the 
American  troops  under  general  Wayne,  and  the  com 
bined  Indian  forces,  which  occurred  on  the  20th  of  Au 
gust,  1794,  near  the  rapids  of  the  Miami  of  the  lakes. 
It  is  not  known  whether  he  attended  the  council,  the 
evening  previous  to  the  engagement,  in  which  the  ad 
vice  of  Little  Turtle,  the  Miami  chief,  was  overruled 
by  the  influence  of  the  Shawanoe  chief,  Blue  Jacket. 
The  former  was  opposed  to  giving  battle  on  the  follow 
ing  day  ;  the  latter  in  favor  of  it.  As  a  brave  of  dis 
tinction,  Tecumseh  took  the  command  of  a  party  of 
Shawanoes  in  the  engagement,  but  had  no  participation 
in  the  plan  of  the  attack,  or  the  mode  of  carrying  it 
into  execution.  At  the  commencement  of  the  action, 
he  was  in  the  advance  guard  with  two  of  his  brothers. 
After  fighting  for  some  time,  in  attempting  to  load  his 
rifle,  he  put  in  a  bullet  before  the  powder,  and  was 
thus  unable  to  use  his  gun.  Being  at  this  moment 
pressed  in  front  by  some  infantry,  he  fell  back  with  his 
party  until  they  met  another  detachment  of  Indians, 


82  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

Tecumseh  urged  them  to  stand  fast  and  fight,  saying 
if  any  one  would  lend  him  a  gun,  he  would  show  them 
how  to  do  it.  A  fowling-piece  was  handed  to  him, 
with  which  he  fought  for  some  time,  until  the  Indians 
were  again  compelled  to  give  ground.  While  falling 
back,  he  met  another  party  of  Shawanoes,  and  although 
the  whites  were  pressing  on  them,  he  rallied  the  Indi 
ans,  and  induced  them  to  make  a  stand  in  a  thicket. 
When  the  infantry  pressed  close  upon  them,  and  had 
discharged  their  muskets  into  the  bushes,  Tecumseh 
and  his  party  returned  their  fire,  and  then  retreated, 
until  they  had  joined  the  main  body  of  the  Indians  be 
low  the  rapids  of  the  Miami.* 

In  this  memorable  action,  which  gave  victory  to  the 
American  arms,  and  humbled  the  north-western  Indi 
ans,  William  Henry  Harrison  and  Tecumseh  were  for 
the  first  time  opposed  to  each  other  in  battle.  They 
were  both  young,  and  indeed  nearly  the  same  age, 
and  both  displayed  that  courage  and  gallantry  which 
ever  afterwards  signalized  their  brilliant  and  eventful 
lives. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Tecumseh's  skill  as  a  hunter — declines  attending  the  treaty  of  Greenville 
in  1795 — in  1796  removed  to  Great  Miami — in  1798  joined  a  party  of 
I)elawares  on  White  river,  Indiana — in  1799  attended  a  council  be 
tween  the  whites  and  Indians  near  Urbana — another  at  Chillicothe  in 
1803 — makes  an  able  speech — removes  with  the  Prophet  to  Greenville, 
in  1805 — the  latter  commences  prophecying — causes  the  death  of  Tete- 
boxti,  Patterson,  Coltos,  and  Joshua — governor  Harrison's  speech  to  the 
Prophet  to  arrest  these  murderers — effort  of  Wells,  the  U.  S.  Indian  agent, 
to  prevent  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  from  assembling  the  Indians  at 
Greenville — Tecumseh's  speech  in  reply — he  attends  a  council  at  Chil 
licothe — speech  on  that  occasion — council  at  Springfield — Tecumseh 
principal  speaker  and  actor. 

IN  the  spring  of  the  year  1795,  Tecumseh  was  estab 
lished  on  Deer  creek,  near  where  Urbana  now  stands, 
and  engaged  in  his  favorite  amusement  of  hunting. 
This  was  more  as  a  pastime  than  a  matter  of  business. 

*  Anthony  Shane. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  83 

The  love  of  property  was  not  a  distinguishing  trait  of 
his  character ;  on  the  contrary,  his  generosity  was  pro 
verbial  among  his  tribe.  If  he  accumulated  furs,  they, 
or,  the  goods  which  he  received  in  return  for  them,  were 
dispensed  with  a  liberal  hand.  He  loved  hunting  be 
cause  it  was  a  manly  exercise,  fit  for  a  brave;  and,  for 
the  additional  reason,  that  it  gave  him  the  means  of 
furnishing  the  aged  and  infirm  with  wholesome  and 
nourishing  food.  The  skill  of  Tecumseh  in  the  chase 
has  already  been  adverted  to.  While  residing  on  Deer 
creek,  an  incident  occurred  which  greatly  enhanced  his 
reputation  as  a  hunter.  One  of  his  brothers,  and  seve 
ral  other  Shawanoes  of  his  own  age,  proposed  to  bet 
with  him,  that  they  could  each  kill  as  many  deer,  in  the 
space  of  three  days,  as  he  could.  Tecumseh  promptly 
accepted  the  overture.  The  parties  took  to  the  woods, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  stipulated  time,  returned  with  the 
avidences  of  their  success.  None  of  the  party,  except 
Tecumseh,  had  more  than  twelve  deer  skins ;  he  brought 
n  upwards  of  thirty — near  three  times  as  many  as  any 
>f  his  competitors.  From  this  time  he  was  generally 
conceded  to  be  the  greatest  hunter  in  the  Shawanoe 
nation. 

In  the  course  of  the  summer  of  this  year,  1795,  he 
commenced  raising  a  party  of  his  own,  and  began  to 
style  himself  a  chief.  He  did  not  attend  the  treaty  of 
Greenville,  held  by  general  Wayne,  on  the  3d  of  Au 
gust,  1795,  with  the  hostile  Indians,  but  after  its  con 
clusion,  Blue  Jacket  paid  him  a  visit  on  Deer  creek, 
and  communicated  to  him  the  terms  on  which  peace 
had  been  concluded. 

Tecumseh  remained  at  this  place  until  the  spring  of 
1796,  when  he  removed  with  his  party  to  the  Great 
Miami,  near  to  Piqua,  where  they  raised  a  crop  of 
corn.  In  the  autumn  he  again  changed  his  place  of 
residence,  and  went  over  to  the  head  branches  of  White 
Water,  west  of  the  Miami,  where  he  and  his  party  spent 
the  winter;  and  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1797, 
raised  another  crop  of  corn. 

In  the  year  1798,  the  Delawares,  then  residing  in 
part,  on  White  river,  Indiana,  invited  Tecumseh  and 
his  followers,  to  remove  to  that  neighborhood,  Hav- 


84  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

ing  accepted  this  invitation,  and  made  the  removal,  he 
continued  his  head  quarters  in  the  vicinity  of  that  na 
tion  for  several  years,  occupied  in  the  ordinary  pursuits 
of  the  hunter-life — gradually  extending  his  influence 
among  the  Indians,  and  adding  to  the  number  of  his 
party. 

In  1799,  there  \vas  a  council  held  about  six  miles 
north  of  the  place  where  Urbana  now  stands,  between 
the  Indians  and  some  of  the  principal  settlers  on  Mad 
River,  for  the  adjustment  of  difficulties  which  had  grown 
up  between  these  parties.  Tecumseh,  with  other  Sliaw- 
anoe  chiefs,  attended  this  council.  lie  appears  to  have 
been  the  most  conspicuous  orator  of  the  conference, 
and  made  a  speech  on  the  occasion,  which  was  much 
admired  for  its  force  and  eloquence.  The  interpreter, 
Dechouset,  said  that  he  found  it  very  difficult  to  trans 
late  the  lofty  flights  of  Tecumseh,  although  he  was  as 
well  acquainted  with  the  Shawanoe  language,  as  with 
the  French,  which  was  his  mother  tongue/* 

We  next  hear  of  Tecumseh,  under  circumstances 
which  show  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  the 
white  settlers  on  the  frontier. 

In  the  month  of  April,  1803,  Thomas  Herrod,  living 
sixteen  miles  north-west  of  Chillicothe,  was  shot,  toma 
hawked,  and  scalped,  near  his  own  house.  The  In 
dians  were  suspected  of  having  committed  this  deed ; 
a  Avanton  and  cruel  retaliation  was  made  upon  one  of 
them,  (guiltless  no  doubt  of  that  particular  crime,)  and 
the  settlement  in  the  Scioto  valley  and  north-west  of  it, 
was  thrown  into  a  state  of  much  excitement.  The  In 
dians  fled  in  one  direction  and  the  whites  in  another. 
For  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  facts  in  the  case, 
and  preventing  further  hostilities,  several  patriotic  citi 
zens  of  Chillicothe  mounted  their  horses,  and  rode  into 
the  Indian  country,  where  they  found  Tecumseh  and  a 
body  of  Indians.  They  disavowed  all  knowledge  of 
the  murder  of  Herrod,  and  stated,  explicitly,  that  they 
were  peaceably  inclined,  and  disposed  to  adhere  to  the 
treaty  of  Greenville.  Tecumseh  finally  agreed'  to  re 
turn  with  the  deputation  from  Chillicothe,  that  he 

*  James  Galloway,  of  Xenia. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  85 

might  in  person,  give  similar  assurances  to  the  people 
of  that  place.  He  did  so,  and  a  day  was  fixed  on, 
when  he  should  make  an  address  upon  the  subject.  A 
white  man,  raised  among  the  Indians,  acted  as  interpre 
ter.  Governor  Tiffin  opened  the  conference.  "  When 
Tecumseh  rose  to  speak,"  says  an  eyewitness,  "as  he 
cast  his  gaze  over  the  vast  multitude,  which  the  interest 
ing  occasion  had  drawn  together,  he  appeared  one  of 
the  most  dignified  men  I  ever  beheld.  While  this  ora 
tor  of  nature  was  speaking,  the  vast  crowd  preserved 
the  most  profound  silence.  From  the  confident 'manner 
in  which  he  spoke  of  the  intention  of  the  Indians  to  ad 
here  to  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  and  live  in  peace  and 
friendship  with  their  white  brethren,  he  dispelled,  as  if 
by  magic,  the  apprehensions  of  the  whites — the  settlers 
returned  to  their  deserted  farms,  and  business  generally 
was  resumed  throughout  that  region.7'*  This  incident 
is  of  value,  in  forming  an  estimate  of  the  character  of 
this  chief:  it  exhibits  the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by 
the  white  inhabitants  on  the  frontier.  The  declaration 
of  no  other  Indian  could  thus  have  dissipated  the  fears 
of  a  border  war,  which  then  pervaded  the  settlement. 

Some  time  during  this  year,  a  stout  Kentucldan 
came  to  Ohio,  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  the  lands 
on  Mad  River,  and  lodged  one  night  at  the  house  of 
captain  Abner  Barrett,  residing  on  the  head  waters  oP  * 
Buck  creek.  In  the  course  of  the  evening,  he  learned 
with  apparent  alarm,  that  there  were  some  Indians  en 
camped  within  a  short  distance  of  the  house.  Shortly 
after  hearing  this  unwelcome  intelligence,  the  door  of 
captain  Barrett's  dwelling  was  suddenly  opened,  and 
Tecumseh  entered  with  his  usual  stately  air  :  he  paused 
in  silence,  and  looked  around,  until  at  length  his  eye 
was  fixed  upon  the  stranger,  who  was  manifesting 
symptoms  of  alarm,  and  did  not  venture  to  look  the  stern 
savage  in  the  face.  Tecumseh  turned  to  his  host,  and 
pointing  to  the  agitated  Kentuckian,  exclaimed,  "  a  big 
baby!  a  big  baby!"  He  then  stepped  up  to  him,  and 
gently  slapping  him  on  the  shoulder  several  times,  re 
peated  with  a  contemptuous  manner,  the  phrase  "  big 

*  Colonel  John  M'Donald. 

H 


86  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

baby!  big  baby!"  to  the  great  alarm  cf  the  astonished 
man,  and  to  the  amusement  of  all  present.* 

In  the  early  part  of  the  year  1805,  a  portion  of  the 
Shawanoe  nation,  residing  at  the  Tawa  towns  on  the 
headwaters  of  the  Anglaize  river,  wishing  to  re-assem 
ble  their  scattered  people,  sent  a  deputation  to  Tecum- 
seh  and  his  party,  (then  living  on  White  river,)  and  also 
to  a  body  of  the  same  tribe  upon  the  Mississiniway, 
another  tributary  of  the  Wabash,  inviting  them  to  re- 
move  to  the  Tawa  towns,  and  join  their  brethren  at  that 
place.  'To  this  proposition  both  parties  assented ;  and 
the  two  bands  met  at  Greenville,  on  their  way  thither. 
There,  through  the  influence  of  Laulewasikaw,  they 
concluded  to  establish  themselves ;  and  accordingly  the 
project  of  going  to  the  Auglaize  was  abandoned.  Very 
soon  afterwards,  Laulewasikaw  assumed  the  office  of 
a  prophet;  and  forthwith  commenced  that  career  of 
cunning  and  pretended  sorcery,  which  enabled  him  to 
sway  the  Indian  mind  in  a  wonderful  degree,  and  win 
for  himself  a  name  on  the  page  of  history.  A  concise 
notice  of  his  prophetical  achievements  is  subjoined. 
While  it  serves  to  display  his  individual  character  arid 
endowments,  it  also  presents  an  interesting  and  instruc 
tive  phase  of  aboriginal  character. 

It  happened  about  this  time  that  an  old  Shawanoe, 
named  Penagashega,  or  the  Change  of  Feathers,  who 
had  for  some  years  been  engaged  in  the  respectable 
calling  of  a  prophet,  fell  sick  and  died.  Laulewasi 
kaw,  who  had  marked  the  old  man's  influence  with  the 
Indians,  adroitly  caught  up  the  mantle  of  the  dying 
prophet,  and  assumed  his  sacred  office.  He  changed 
his  name  from  Laulewasikaw,  to  Tenskwautawau,t 
meaning  the  Open  Door,  because  he  undertook  to  point 
out  to  the  Indians  the  new  modes  of  life  which  they 
should  pursue.  In  the  month  of  November,  of  this 
year,  he  assembled  a  considerable  number  of  Shawa- 
noes,  Wyandots,  Ottaways  and  Senecas,  at  Wapako- 
natta,  on  the  Auglaize  river,  when  he  unfolded  to  them 


*  James  Galloway. 

f  In  the  remaining  pages  of  this  work  this  person  will  be  called  the 
Prophet,  the  name  by  which  he  is  most  generally  kriown. 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  87 

the  new  character  with  which  he  was  clothed,  and 
made  his  first  public  effort  in  that  career  of  religious 
imposition,  which,  in  a  few  years,  was  felt  by  the 
remote  tribes  of  the  upper  lakes,  and  on  the  broad 
plains  which  stretch  beyond  the  Mississippi.  At  this 
time  nothing,  it  is  believed,  was  said  by  him  in  regard  to 
the  grand  confederacy  of  the  tribes,  for  the  recovery  of 
their  lands,  which  shortly  afterwards  became  an  object 
of  ambition  with  his  brother ;  and,  in  the  furtherance  of 
which  he  successfully  exerted  his  power  and  influence, 
as  a  prophet.  In  this  assemblage  he  declaimed  against 
witchcraft,  which  many  of  the  Indians  practised  and 
still  more  believed.  He  pronounced  that  those  who 
continued  bewitched,  or  exerted  their  arts  on  others, 
would  never  go  to  heaven  nor  see  the  Great  Spirit. 
He  next  took  up  the  subject  of  drunkenness,  against 
which  he  harangued  with  great  force  ;  and,  as  appeared 
subsequently,  with  much  success.  He  told  them  that 
since  he  had  become  a  prophet,  he  went  up  into  the 
clouds ;  that  the  first  place  he  came  to  was  the  dwelling 
of  the  Devil,  and  that  all  who  had  died  drunkards  were 
there,  with  flames  issuing  out  of  their  mouths.  He 
acknowledged  that  he  had  himself  been  a  drunkard, 
but  that  this  awful  scene  had  reformed  him.  Such 
was  the  effect  of  his  preaching  against  this  pernicious 
vice,  that  many  of  his  followers  became  alarmed,  and 
ceased  to  drink  the  "fire-water,"  a  name  by  which 
whiskey  is  significantly  called  among  the  Indians. 
He  likewise  declaimed  against  the  custom  of  Indian 
women  intermarrying  with  white  men,  and  denounced 
it  as  one  of  the  causes  of  their  unhappiness.  Among 
other  doctrines  of  his  new  code,  he  insisted  on  a  com 
munity  of  property — a  very  comfortable  regulation  for 
those,  who  like  himself,  were  too  indolent  to  labor  for 
the  acquisition  of  it.  A  more  salutary  and  rational 
precept,  and  one  which  he  enforced  with  considerable 
energy,  was  the  duty  of  the  young,  at  all  times  and 
under  all  circumstances,  to  support,  cherish  and  respect 
the  aged  and  infirm.  He  declaimed  with  vehemence 
against  all  innovations  in  the  original  dress  and  habits 
of  the  Indians — dwelt  upon  the  high  claims  of  the 
Shawanoes  to  superiority  over  other  tribes,  and  prom- 


88  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

ised  to  all  his  followers,  who  would  believe  his  doc 
trines  and  practice  his  precepts,  the  comforts  and  hap 
piness  which  their  forefathers  enjoyed  before  they  were 
debased  by  their  connection  with  the  whites.  And 
finally  proclaimed,  with  much  solemnity,  that  he  had 
received  power  from  the  Great  Spirit,  to  cure  all  dis 
eases,  to  confound  his  enemies,  and  stay  the  arm  of 
death,  in  sickness,  or  on  the  battle  field. 

Such  is  the  superstitious  credulity  of  the  Indians,  that 
this  crafty  impostor  not  only  succeeded  for  a  time,  in 
correcting  many  of  the  vices  of  his  followers,  but  like 
wise  influenced  them  to  the  perpetration  of  outrages 
upon  each  other,  shocking  to  humanity.  If  an  individ 
ual,  and  especially  a  chief,  was  supposed  to  be  hostile 
to  his  plans,  or  doubted  the  validity  of  his  claim  to  the 
character  of  a  prophet,  he  was  denounced  as  a  witch, 
and  the  loss  of  reputation,  if  not  of  life,  speedily  follow 
ed.  Among  the  first  of  his  victims  were  several  Dela- 
wares, — Tatepocoshe  (more  generally  known  as  Tete- 
boxti,)  Patterson,  his  nephew,  Coltos,  an  old  woman, 
and  an  aged  man  called  Joshua.  These  were  success 
ively  marked  by  the  Prophet,  and  doomed  to  be  burnt 
alive.  The  tragedy  was  commenced  with  the  old  wo 
man.  The  Indians  roasted  her  slowly  over  a  fire  for 
four  days,  calling  upon  her  frequently  to  deliver  up  her 
charm  and  medicine  bag.  Just  as  she  was  dying,  she 
exclaimed  that  her  grandson,  who  was  then  out  hunt 
ing,  had  it  in  his  possession.  Messengers  were  sent 
in  pursuit  of  him,  and  when  found  he  was  tied  and 
brought  into  camp.  He  acknowledged  that  on  one 
occasion  he  had  borrowed  the  charm  of  his  grandmo 
ther,  by  means  of  which  he  had  flown  through  the  air, 
over  Kentucky,  to  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
back  again,  between  twilight  and  bed-time  ;  but  he  in 
sisted  that  he  had  returned  the  charm  to  its  owner ;  and 
after  some  consultation,  he  was  set  at  liberty.  The 
following  day,  a  council  was  held  over  the  case  of  the 
venerable  chief  Tatepocoshe,  he  being  present.  His 
death  was  decided  upon  after  full  deliberation;  and, 
arrayed  in  his  finest  apparel,  he  calmly  assisted  in 
building  his  own  funeral  pile,  fully  aware  that  there 
was  no  escape  from  the  judgment  that  had  been  passed 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  89 

upon  him  The  respect  due  to  his  whitened  locks,  in 
duced  his  executioners  to  treat  him  with  mercy.  He 
was  deliberately  tomahawked  by  a  young  man,  and 
his  body  was  then  placed  upon  the  blazing  faggots  and 
consumed.  The  next  day,  the  old  preacher  Joshua, 
met  a  similar  fate.  The  wife  of  Tatepocoshe,  and  his 
nephew  Billy  Patterson,  were  then  brought  into  the 
council  house,  and  seated  side  by  side.  The  latter  had 
led  an  irreproachable  life,  and  died  like  a  Christian, 
singing  and  praying  amid  the  flames  which  destroyed 
his  body.  While  preparations  were  making  for  the 
immolation  of  Tatepocoshe's  wife,  her  brother,  a  youth 
of  twenty  years  of  age,  suddenly  started  up,  took  her 
by  the  hand,  and  to  the  amazement  of  the  council,  led 
her  out  of  the  house.  He  soon  returned,  and  exclaim 
ing,  "the  devil  has  come  among  us,  (alluding  to  the 
Prophet)  and  we  are  killing  each  other,"  he  re-seated 
himself  in  the  midst  of  the  crowd.  This  bold  step 
checked  the  wild  frenzy  of  the  Indians,  put  an  end  to 
these  cruel  scenes,  and  for  a  time  greatly  impaired  the 
impostor's  influence  among  the  Delawares. 

The  benevolent  policy  of  the  governor  of  Indiana 
Territory  (William  Henry  Harrison,)  towards  the  In 
dian  tribes,  had  given  him  much  influence  over  them. 
Early  in  the  year  1806,  and  so  soon  as  he  had  heard 
of  the  movements  of  the  Prophet,  and  the  delusion  of 
the  Delawares  in  regard  to  witchcraft,  he  sent  a  special 
messenger  to  them  with  the"  following  speech.  Had  it 
reached  them  a  little  earlier,  it  would  probably  have 
saved  the  life  of  the  aged  Tatepocoshe. 

"  My  Children : — My  heart  is  filled  with  grief,  and 
my  eyes  are  dissolved  in  tears,  at  the  news  which  has 
reached  me.  You  have  been  celebrated  for  your  wis 
dom  above  all  the  tribes  of  red  people  who  inhabit  this 
great  island.  Your  fame  as  warriors  has  extended  to 
the  remotest  nations,  and  the  wisdom  of  your  chiefs 
has  gained  for  you  the  appellation  of  grandfathers, 
from  all  the  neighboring  tribes.  From  what  cause, 
then,  does  it  proceed,  that  you  have  departed  from  the 
wise  counsels  of  your  fathers,  and  covered  yourselves 
with  guilt?  My  children,  tread  back  the  steps  you 
have  taken,  and  endeavor  to  regain  the  straight  road 


90  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH, 

which  you  have  abandoned.  The  dark,  crooked  and 
thorny  one  which  you  are  now  pursuing,  will  certainly 
lead  to  endless  woe  and  misery.  But  who  is  this  pre 
tended  prophet,  who  dares  to  speak  in  the  name  of  the 
Great  Creator  ?  Examine  him.  Is  he  more  wise  or 
virtuous  than  you  are  yourselves,  that  he  should  be  se 
lected  to  convey  to  you  the  orders  of  your  God  ?  De 
mand  of  him  some  proofs  at  least,  of  his  being  the 
messenger  of  the  Deity.  If  God  has  really  employed 
him,  he  has  doubtless  authorized  him  to  perform  mira 
cles,  that  he  may  be  known  and  received  as  a  prophet, 
If  he  is  really  a  prophet,  ask  of  him  to  cause  the  sun 
to  stand  still — the  moon  to  alter  its  course — the  rivers 
to  cease  to  flow — or  the  dead  to  rise  from  their  graves. 
If  he  does  these  things,  you  may  then  believe  that  he 
has  been  sent  from  God.  He  tells  you  that  the  Great 
Spirit  commands  you  to  punish  with  death  those  who 
deal,  in  magic  ;  and  that  he  is  authorized  to  point  them 
out.  Wretched  delusion !  Is  then  the  Master  of  Life 
obliged  to  employ  mortal  man  to  punish  those  who  of 
fend  him  ?  Has  he  not  the  thunder  and  all  the  powers 
of  nature  at  his  command  ? — and  could  he  not  sweep 
away  from  the  earth  a  whole  nation  with  one  motion 
of  his  arm  ?  My  children :  do  not  believe  that  the  great 
and  good  Creator  of  mankind  has  directed  you  to  de 
stroy  your  own  flesh ;  and  do  not  doubt  but  that  if  you 
pursue  this  abominable  wickedness,  his  vengeance  will 
overtake  and  crush  you. 

"  The  above  is  addressed  to  you  in  the  name  of  the 
Seventeen  Fires.  I  now  speak  to  you  from  myself,  as 
a  friend  who  wishes  nothing  more  sincerely  than  to 
see  you  prosperous  and  happy.  Clear  your  eyes,  I  be 
seech  you,  from  the  mist  which  surrounds  them.  No 
longer  be  imposed  upon  by  the  arts  of  an  impostor. 
Drive  him  from  your  town,  and  let  peace  and  harmony 
once  more  prevail  amongst  you.  Let  your  poor  old 
men  and  women  sleep  in  quietness,  and  banish  from 
their  minds  the  dreadful  idea  of  being  burnt  alive  by 
their  own  friends  and  countrymen.  I  charge  you  to 
stop  your  bloody  career ;  and  if  you  value  the  friend 
ship  of  your  great  father,  the  President — if  you  wish 
to  preserve  the  good  opinion  of  the  Seventeen  Fires, 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  1U 

let  me  hear  by  the  return  of  the  bearer,  that  you  have 
determined  to  follow  my  advice."* 

Among  the  Miamis,  the  Prophet  was  less  successful 
in  establishing  an  influence  than  with  the  Dela wares ; 
while  over  the  Kickapoos  he  gained,  for  a  time,  a  re 
markable  ascendency, — greater,  indeed,  than  he  ever 
established  in  his  own  tribe.  Most  of  the  Shawanoe 
chiefs  were  opposed  to  him,  and  even  complained  to 
the  agent  at  fort  Wayne,  that  his  conduct  was  creating 
difficulties  among  the  Indians. 

We  have  met  with  no  evidence  that  Tecumseh  favor 
ed  the  destruction  of  the  Dela  wares,  whose  unhappy 
fate  has  been  detailed.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  stated 
by  a  credible  authority,!  that  he  was  opposed  to  it. 

Throughout  the  year  1806,  the  brothers  remained 
at  Greenville,  and  were  visited  by  ma.uy  Indians  from 
different  tribes,  not  a  few  of  whom  became  their  follow 
ers.  The  Prophet  dreamed  many  wonderful  dreams ; 
and  claimed  to  have  had  many  supernatural  revelations 
made  to  him.  The  great  eclipse  of  the  sun  which  oc 
curred  in  the  summer  of  this  year,  a  knowledge  of 
which  he  had  by  some  means  attained,  enabled  him  to 
carry  conviction  to  the  minds  of  many  of  his  ignorant 
followers,  that  he  was  really  the  earthly  agent  of  the 
Great  Spirit.  He  boldly  announced  to  the  unbelievers, 
that  on  a  certain  day,  he  would  give  them  proof  of  his 
supernatural  powers,  by  bringing  darkness  over  the 
sun.  When  the  day  and  hour  of  the  eclipse  arrived, 
and  the  earth,  even  at  mid-day,  was  shrouded  in  the 
gloom  of  twilight,  the  Prophet,  standing  in  the  midst 
of  his  party,  significantly  pointed  to  the  heavens,  and 
cried  out,  "did  I  not  prophecy  truly?  Behold!  dark 
ness  has  shrouded  the  sun!"  It  may  readily  be  sup 
posed  that  this  striking  phenomenon,  thus  adroitly 
used,  produced  a  strong  impression  on  the  Indians,  and 
greatly  increased  their  belief  in  the  sacred  character  of 
their  Prophet. 

In  April,  1807,  Tecumseh  and  his  brother  had  as 
sembled  at  Greenville  about  four  hundred  Indians, 
most  of  them  highly  excited  by  religious  fanaticism; 

*  Quoted  from  Dawson's  Historical  Narrative  of  the  civil  and  military 
tervices  of  William  Henry  Harrison,  -j-  Anthony  Shane. 


92  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

and  ready,  it  was  feared,  for  any  enterprise  on  which 
these  brothers  might  be  disposed  to  lead  them.  Con 
siderable  apprehension  was  entertained  for  the  safety 
of  the  frontiers,  and  several  fruitless  efforts  were  made 
to  ascertain  the  ulterior  objects  of  the  leaders.  William 
Wells,  then  Indian  agent  at  fort  Wayne,  despatched 
Anthony  Shane,  a  half-blood  Shawanoe,  with  a  com 
munication  to  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet,  requesting 
them  and  two  other  of  their  chiefs,  to  visit  him  at  fort 
Wayne,  that  he  might  read  to  them  a  letter  which  he 
had  just  received  from  their  great  father,  the  President 
of  the  United  States. 

A  council  being  called,  Shane  made  known  the  ob 
ject  of  his  mission.  Tecumseh,  without  consulting 
with  those  around  him,  immediately  arose  and  said  to 
the  messenger,  «  go  back  to  fort  Wayne,  and  tell  captain 
Wells,  that  my  fire  is  kindled  on  the  spot  appointed  by 
the  Great  Spirit  above ;  and,  if  he  has  any  thing  to 
communicate  to  me,  he.  must  come  here, : — I  shall  ex 
pect  him  in  six  days  from  this  time."  With  this  laco 
nic,  but  dignified  reply,  the  conference  ended.  The 
agent  at  fort  Wayne  declined  waiting  on  Tecumseh,  in 
person,  but  on  the  appointed  day,  sent  Shane  back  to 
Greenville,  with  a  copy  of  the  President's  communica 
tion,  contained  in  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  at  War ; 
the  substance  of  which  was,  that  Tecumseh  and  his 
party  being  established  within  the  limits  of  the  gover 
nor's  purchase  from  the  Indians,  they  were  desired  to 
remove  to  some  point  beyond  the  boundaries  agreed 
upon  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville ;  and,  in  case  of  their 
compliance,  the  government  would  afford  them  assist 
ance,  until  they  were  properly  established  at  their  new 
post.  A  second  council  was  assembled,  and  the  com 
munication  fully  interpreted  to  those  present.  Tecum 
seh  felt  indignant  that  captain  Wells  had  not  visited 
him  in  person.  He  arose  deeply  excited,  and  turning 
to  his  followers,  addressed  them  in  a  long,  glowing  and 
impassioned  speech,  in  which  he  dwelt  upon  the  inju 
ries  the  Indians  had  received  from  the  whites,  and 
especially  the  continued  encroachments  of  the  latter 
upon  the  lands  of  the  red  men:  "These  lands,"  said  he 
in  conclusion,  "are  ours :  no  one  has  a  right  to  remove 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  93 

us,  because  we  were  the  first  owners  ;  the  Great  Spirit 
above  has  appointed  this  place  for  us,  on  which  to  light 
our  fires,  and  here  we  will  remain.  As  to  boundaries, 
the  Great  Spirit  above  knows  no  boundaries,  nor  will 
his  red  people  acknowledge  any/' 

Of  this  speech  no  copy  has  been  preserved.  Shane 
speaks  of  it  as  a  masterpiece  of  Indian  eloquence — 
bold,  argumentative  and  powerful.  It  was  delivered 
with  great  vehemence,  and  deep  indignant  feeling. 
After  a  moment's  pause,  Tecumseh  turned  to  the  mes 
senger  and  said,  with  that  stately  indifference  of  man 
ner,  which  he  could  so  gracefully  assume  when  in 
council,  "  if  my  great  father,  the  President  of  the  Sev 
enteen  Fires,  has  any  thing  more  to  say  to  me,  he  must 
send  a  man  of  note  as  his  messenger.  I  will  hold  no 
further  intercourse  with  captain  Wells." 

The  Prophet,  who  seldom  lost  an  opportunity  of 
vaunting  himself  before  his  followers,  then  rose,  and 
addressing  captain  Shane,  said,  "why  does  not  the 
President  send  to  us  the  greatest  man  in  his  nation  ?  I 
can  talk  to  him — I  can  bring  darkness  between  him  and 
me — nay  more,  I  can  bring  the  sun  under  my  feet,  and 
what  white  man  can  do  this  ?"  With  this  self-glorifi 
cation,  the  council  terminated. 

The  excitement  continued  to  increase,  and  at  the 
close  of  May,  it  was  estimated  by  the  agent  at  fort 
Wayne,  that  not  less  than  fifteen  hundred  Indians,  had 
within  a  short  time,  passed  and  repassed  that  fort,  in 
making  visits  to  the  Prophet.  Many  of  these  were 
from  distant  points  on  the  lakes.  Councils  were  assem 
bled,  runners  with  pipes  and  belts  of  wampum,  went 
from  tribe  to  tribe,  and  strong  evidence  of  some  uncom 
mon  movement  among  the  Indians  became  quite  ap 
parent.  The  British  agents  were  active  in  fomenting 
this  excitement,  and  in  extending  the  influence  of  Te 
cumseh  and  his  brother,  whose  ulterior  objects  were 
carefully  concealed  from  the  agents  of  the  United 
States,  and  such  Indian  chiefs  as  were  known  to  be 
friendly  to  oar, -government. 

In  the  month  of  August,  on  the  testimony  of  several 
persons  familiar  with  Indian  affairs,  then  residing  in  the 
north-western  portions  of  the  state,  the  Indians  at  fort 


94  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

Wayne  and  at  Greenville,  who  were  supposed  to  be 
under  the  influence  of  the  Prophet,  amounted  to  be 
tween  seven  and  eight  hundred,  most  of  them  equipped 
with  new  rifles.  These  facts  being  communicated  to 
the  governor  of  Ohio,  he  directed  his  attention  to  the 
subject,  and,  in  the  early  part  of  September,  despatch 
ed  Thomas  Worthington  and  Duncan  Me  Arthur,  to 
Greenville,  for  the  purpose  of  holding  a  conference 
with  the  Prophet  and  Tecumseh,  and  ascertaining  the 
object  of  their  assembling  so  large  a  body  of  Indians, 
within  the  limits  of  the  cession  of  land  made  by  them 
at  the  treaty  of  1795.  These  commissioners  left  Chilli- 
cothe  on  the  8th  of  September,  and  reached  Greenville 
on  the  12th,  where  they  were  courteously  received  by 
the  Indians.  They  were  fortunate  in  securing  the  ser 
vices  of  Stephen  Ruddell,  as  their  interpreter,  who  had 
resided  for  seventeen  years  among  the  Indians,  and 
was  familiar  with  the  Shawanoe  language.  On  the 
day  of  their  arrival,  the  commissioners  were  invited  to 
a  general  council  of  the  Indians,  at  which  the  letter  of 
the  governor  was  read,  and  interpreted  to  the  Shawa- 
noes,  Potawatamies  and  Chippewas.  This  was  fol 
lowed  by  an  address  from  the  commissioners,  referring 
to  the  past  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Indians,  the  policy  pursued  towards  the  latter  by  Great 
Britain,  and  the  importance  of  their  remaining  neutral, 
in  case  of  a  war  between  that  country  and  the  United 
States.  On  the  following  day,  Blue  Jacket,  who,  it 
was  announced,  had  been  authorized  by  all  the  Indians 
present,  to  speak  for  them,  replied  to  the  commissioners 
as  follows : 

"Brethren — We  are  seated  who  heard  you  yester 
day.  You  will  get  a  true  relation,  as  far  as  we  and 
our  connections  can  give  it,  who  are  as  follows  :  Shaw- 
anoes,  Wyandots,  Potawatamies,  Tawas,  Chippewas, 
Winnepaus,  Malominese,  Malockese,  Secawgoes,  and 
one  more  from  the  north  of  the  Chippewas.  Brethren 
— you  see  all  these  men  sitting  before  you,  who  now 
speak  to  you.  £ 

"About  eleven  days  ago  we  had  a  council,  at  which 
the  tribe  of  Wyandots,  (the  elder  brother  of  the  red 
people)  spoke  and  said  God  had  kindled  a  fire  and  all 


LIFE    OF    TECT7MSEH.  95 

sat  around  it.  In  this  council  we  talked  over  the  trea 
ties  with  the  French  and  the  Americans.  The  Wyan- 
dot  said,  the  French  formerly  marked  a  line  along  the 
Alleghany  mountains,  southerly,  to  Charleston,  (S.  C.) 
No  man  was  to  pass  it.  from  either  side.  When  the 
Americans  came  to  settle  over  the  line,  the  English 
told  the  Indians  to  unite  and  drive  off  the  French,  until 
the  war  came  on  between  the  British  and  the  Ameri 
cans,  when  it  was  told  them  that  king  George,  by  his 
officers,  directed  them  to  unite  and  drive  the  Americans 
back. 

"After  the  treaty  of  peace  between  the  English  and 
Americans,  the  summer  before  Wayne's  army  came 
out,  the  English  held  a  council  with  the  Indians,  and 
told  them  if  they  would  turn  out  and  unite  as  one  man, 
they  might  surround  the  Americans  like  deer  in  a  ring 
of  fire  and  destroy  them  all.  The  W^yandot  spoke  fur 
ther  in  the  council.  We  see,  said  he,  there  is  like  to 
be  war  between  the  English  and  our  white  brethren, 
the  Americans.  Let  us  unite  and  consider  the  suffer 
ings  we  have  undergone,  from  interfering  in  the  wars 
of  the  English.  They  have  often  promised  to  help  us, 
and  at  last,  when  we  could  not  withstand  the  army 
that  came  against  us,  and  went  to  the  English  fort  for 
refuge,  the  English  told  us,  "  I  cannot  let  you  in ;  you 
are  painted  too  much,  my  children."  It  was  then  we 
saw  the  British  dealt  treacherously  with  us.  We  now 
see  them  going  to  war  again.  We  do  not  know  what 
they  are  going  to  fight  for.  Let  us,  my  brethren,  not 
interfere,  was  the  speech  of  the  Wyandot. 

"  Further,  the  Wyandot  said,  I  speak  to  you,  my  lit 
tle  brother,  the  Shawanoes  at  Greenville,  and  to  you, 
our  little  brothers  all  around.  You  appear  to  be  at 
Greenville  to  serve  the  Supreme.  Ruler  of  the  uni 
verse.  Now  send  forth  your  speeches  to  all  our 
brethren  far  around  us,  and  let  us  unite  to  seek  for  that 
which  shall  be  for  our  eternal  welfare,  and  unite  our 
selves  in  a  band  of  perpetual  brotherhood.  These, 
brethren,  are  the  sentiments  of  all  the  men  who  sit 
around  you :  they  all  adhere  to  what  the  elder  brother, 
the  Wyandot,  has  said,  and  these  are  their  sentiments. 
[t  is  riot  that  they  are  afraid  of  their  white  brethren, 


96  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

but  that  they  desire  peace  and  harmony,  and  not  that 
their  white  brethren  could  put  them  to  great  necessity, 
for  their  former  arms  were  bows  and  arrows,  by  which 
they  got  their  living." 

The  commissioners  made  some  explanations  in 
reply,  when  they  were  told  that  the  Prophet  would 
assign  the  reasons  why  the  Indians  had  settled  at 
Greenville.  "He  then  proceeded  to  inform  us,"  says 
the  report,  "  that  about  three  years  since,  he  became 
convinced  of  the  error  of  his  ways,  and  that  he  would 
be  destroyed  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  if  he  did  not 
amend  them ;  that  it  was  soon  after  made  known  to 
him  what  he  should  do  to  be  right ;  that  from  that  time 
he  constantly  preached  to  his  red  brethren  the  misera 
ble  situation  they  were  in  by  nature,  and  endeavored 
to  convince  them  that  they  must  change  their  lives, 
live  honestly,  and  be  just  in  all  their  dealings,  kind  to 
wards  one  another,  and  their  white  brethren :  arTection- 
ate  towards  their  families,  put  away  lying  and  slander 
ing,  and  serve  the  Great  Spirit  in  the  way  he  had  point 
ed  out ;  never  think  of  war  again ;  that  at  first  the  Lord 
did  not  give  them  the  tomahawk  to  go  to  war  with  one 
another.  His  red  brethren,  the  chiefs  of  the  Shawanoes 
at  Tawa  town,  would  not  listen  to  him,  but  persecuted 
him.  This  produced  a  division  in  the  nation;  those 
who  adhered  to  him,  separated  themselves  from  their 
brethren  at  Tawa  town,  removed  with  and  settled 
where  he  now  was,  and  where  he  had  constantly 
preached  the  above  doctrines  to  all  the  strangers  who 
came  to  see  them.  They  did  not  remove  to  this  place 
because  it  was  a  pretty  place,  or  very  valuable,  for  it 
was  neither ;  but  because  it  was  revealed  to  him  that 
the  place  was  a  proper  one  to  establish  his  doctrines ; 
that  he  meant  to  adhere  to  them  while  he  lived ;  they 
were  not  his  own,  nor  were  they  taught  him  by  man, 
but  by  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe ;  that  his 
future  life  should  prove  to  his  white  brethren  the  sincer 
ity  of  his  professions.  He  then  told  us  that  six  chiefs 
should  go  with  us  to  Chillicothe." 

The  commissioners  left  Greenville  entirely  con 
vinced  of  the  sincerity  of  the  Prophet  in  his  de 
claration  of  pacific  intentions  towards  the  United 


LIl'JS    OF    TECUMSEH.  97 

States.*  Four  chiefs,  Tecumseh,  Blue  Jacket,  Sti-agh- 
ta,  (or  Roundhead)  and  Panther,  accompanied  them 
to  the  seat  of  government,  for  the  purpose  of  holding  a 
conference  with  the  governor ;  and  giving  him  assur 
ances  that  the  Indians  were  not  assembling  at  Green 
ville  for  the  purpose  of  making  war  upon  the  frontiers. 
These  chiefs  remained  about  a  week  in  Chillicothe,  in 
the  course  of  which  a  public  council  was  held  between 
them  and  the  governor.  Stephen  Ruddell  acted  as  the 
interpreter.  Tecumseh  was  the  principal  speaker ;  and 
in  the  course  of  the  conference,  made  a  speech  which 
occupied  three  hours  in  the  delivery. 

His  great  object  was  to  prove  the  nullity  of  the  trea 
ties  under  which  the  whites  claimed  the  country  north 
and  west  of  the  Ohio.  He  seemed  to  have  a  familiar 
knowledge  of  all  the  treaties  made  with  the  western 
tribes;  reviewed  them  in  their  order, and  with  the  most 
intense  bitterness  and  scorn,  denounced  them  as  null 
and  void.  This  speech  is  described  by  one  t  who  heard 
it,  as  possessing  all  the  characteristics  of  a  high  effort 
of  oratory.  The  utterance  of  the  speaker  was  rapid 
and  vehement ;  his  manner  bold  and  commanding  •  his 
gestures  impassioned,  quick  and  violent,  and  his  coun 
tenance  indicating  that  there  was  something  more  in 
his  mind,  struggling  for  utterance,  than  he  deemed  it 
prudent  to  express.  While  he  fearlessly  denied  the 
validity  of  these  pretended  treaties,  and  openly  avow 
ed  his  intention  to  resist  the  further  extension  of  the 
white  settlements  upon  the  Indian  lands,  he  disclaimed 
all  intention  of  making  war  upon  the  United  States. 
The  result  was,  a  conviction  on  the  part  of  the  gover 
nor,  that  no  immediate  danger  was  to  be  apprehended 
from  the  Indians,  at  Greenville  and  fort  Wayne ;  and, 
as  a  consequence,  the  militia  which  had  been  called  in 
to  service  were  ordered  to  be  disbanded,  and  the  chiefs 
returned  to  their  head  quarters. 

In  the  autumn  of  this  year,  a  white  man  by  the 
name  of  Myers,  was  killed  a  few  rttiles  west  of 


98  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH 

the  town  of  Urbana  now  stands,  by  some  straggling 
Indians.  This  murder,  taken  in  connection  with  the 
assemblage  of  the  Indians  under  Tecumseh  and  the 
Prophet,  created  a  great  alarm  on  the  frontier,  and  ac 
tually  induced  many  families  to  remove  back  to  Ken 
tucky,  from  whence  they  had  emigrated.  A  demand 
was  made  by  the  whites  upon  these  two  brothers  for 
the  Indians  who  had  committed  the  murder.  They 
denied  that  it  was  done  by  their  party,  or  with  their 
knowledge,  and  declared  that  they  did  not  even  know 
who  the  murderers  were.  The  alarm  continued,  and 
some  companies  pf  militia  were  called  out.  It  was 
finally  agreed,  that  a  council  should  be  held  on  the 
subject  in  Springfield,  for  the  purpose  of  quieting  the 
settlements.  General  Whiteman,  major  Moore,  cap 
tain  Ward  and  one  or  two  others,  acted  as  commission 
ers  on  the  part  of  the  whites.  Two  parties  of  Indians 
attended  the  council;  one  from  the  north,  in  charge 
of  McPherson ;  the  other,  consisting  of  sixty  or  seven 
ty,  came  from  the  neighborhood  of  fort  Wayne,  under 
the  charge  of  Tecumseh.  Roundhead,  Blackfieh,  and 
several  other  chiefs,  were  also  present.  There  was  no 
friendly  feeling  between  these  two  parties,  and  each 
was  willing  that  the  blame  of  the  murder  should  be 
fixed  upon  the  other.  The  party  under  McPherson,  in 
compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  commissioners,  left 
their  arms  a  few  miles  from  Springfield.  Tecumseh 
and  his  party  refused  to  attend,  the  council,  unless  per 
mitted  to  retain  their  arms.  After  the  conference  was 
opened,  it  being  held  in  a  maple  grove,  a  little  north  of 
where  Werden's  hotel  now  stands,  the  commissioners, 
fearing  some  violence,  made  another  effort  to  induce 
Tecumseh  to  lay  aside  his  arms.  This  he  again  refus 
ed,  saying,  in  reply,  that  his  tomahawk  was  also  hi* 
pipe,  and  that  he  might  wish  to  use  it  in  that  capacj 
ty  before  their  business  was  closed.  At  this  moment^ 
a  tall,  lank-sided  Pennsylvanian,  who  was  standing 
among  the  spectators,  and  who,  perhaps,  had  no  love 
for  the  shining  tomahawk  of  the  self-willed  chief,  cau 
tiously  approached,  and  handed  him  an  old,  long  stem 
med,  dirty  looking  earthen  pipe,  intimating,  that  if  Te 
cumseh  would  deliver  up  the  fearful  tomahawk,  he 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  99 

might  smoke  the  aforesaid  pipe.  The  chief  took  it  be 
tween  his  thumb  and  finger,  held  it  up,  looked  at  it  for 
a  moment,  then  at  the  owner,  who  was  gradually  rece 
ding  from  the  point  of  danger,  and  immediately  threw 
it,  with  an  indignant  sneer,  over  his  head,  into  the 
bushes.  The  commissioners  yielded  the  point,  and 
proceeded  to  business. 

After  a  full  and  patient  enquiry  into  the  facts  of  the 
case,  it  appeared  that  the  murder  of  Myers,  was  the 
act  of  an  individual,  and  not  justly  chargeable  upon 
either  party  of  the  Indians.  Several  speeches  were 
made  by  the  chiefs,  but  Tecumseh  was  the  principal 
speaker.  He  gave  a  full  explanation  of  the  views  of 
the  Prophet  and  himself,  in  calling  around  them  a  band 
of  Indians — disavowed  all  hostile  intentions  towards 
the  United  States,  and  denied  that  he  or  those  under 
his  control  had  committed  any  aggressions  upon  the 
whites.  His  manner,  when  speaking,  was  animated, 
fluent  and  rapid,  and  made  a  strong  impression  upon 
those  present.  The  council  terminated.  In  the  course 
of  it,  the  two  hostile  parties  became  reconciled  to  each 
other,  and  quiet  was  restored  to  the  frontier. 

The  Indians  remained  in  Springfield  for  three  days, 
and  on  several  occasions  amused  themselves  by  engag 
ing  in  various  games  and  other  athletic  exercises,  in 
which  Tecumseh  generally  proved  himself  victorious. 
His  strength,  and  power  of  muscular  action,  were  re 
markably  great,  and  in  the  opinion  of  those  who  at 
tended  the  council,  corresponded  with  the  higli  order 
of  his  moral  and  intellectual  character.* 

*  Dr.  Hunt. 


100  LIFE    OP    TECTTMSEH. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Governor  Harrison's  address  to  the  Shawanoe  chiefs  at  Greenville — tho 
Prophet's  reply — his  influence  felt  among  the  remote  tribes — he  is  visit 
ed  in  1808  by  great  numbers  of  Indians — Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet 
remove  to  Tippecanoe — the  latter  sends  a  speech  to  governor  Harrison 
— makes  him  a  visit  at  Vincennes. 

THE  alarm  caused  by  the  assembling  of  the  Indians 
at  Greenville,  still  continuing,  governor  Harrison,  in 
the  autumn  of  this  year,  sent  to  the  head  chiefs  of  the 
Shawanoe  tribe,  by  John  Conner,  one  of  our  Indian 
agents,  the  following  address : — 

"  My  Children — Listen  to  me,  I  speak,  in  the  name 
of  your  father,  the  great  chief  of  the  Seventeen  Fires. 

"  My  children,  it  is  now  twelve  years  since  the  toma 
hawk,  which  you  had  raised  by  the  advice  of  your 
father,  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  was  buried  at  Green 
ville,  in  the  presence  of  that  great  warrior,  general 
Wayne. 

"My  children,  you  then  promised,  and  the  Great 
Spirit  hea'rd  it,  that  you  would  in  future  live  in  peace 
and  friendship  with  your  brothers,  the  Americans.  You 
made  a  treaty  with  your  father,  and  one  that  contained 
a  number  of  good  things,  equally  beneficial  to  all  the 
tribes  of  red  people,  who  were  parties  to  it. 

"My  children,  you  promised  in  that  treaty  to  ac 
knowledge  no  other  father  than  the  chief  of  the  Seven 
teen  Fires;  and  never  to  listen  to  the  proposition  of 
any  foreign  nation.  You  promised  never  to  lift  up  the 
tomahawk  against  any  of  your  father's  children,  and 
to  give  him  notice  of  any  other  tribe  that  intended  it : 
your  father  also  promised  to  do  something  for  you, 
particularly  to  deliver  to  you,  every  year,  a  certain 
quantity  of  goods;  to  prevent  any  white  man  from 
settling  on  your  lands  without  your  consent,  or  to  do 
you  any  personal  injury.  He  promised  to  run  a  line 
between  your  land  and  his,  so  that  you  might  know 
your  own ;  and  you  were  to  be  permitted  to  live  and 
hunt  upon  your  father's  land,  as  long  as  you  behaved 
yourselves  well.  My  children,  which  of  these  articles 
has  your  father  broken  ?  You  know  that  he  has  ob- 


LIFE    OF    TECQMSEH.  101 

served  them  all  with  the  utmost  good  faith.  But.  my 
children,  have  you  done  so?  R?ve  you  not  .'always 
had  your  ears  open  to  receive  bad  advice  from  the 
white  people  beyond  the  lakes? 

"  My  children,  let  us  look  back  to  times  that  are  past, 
It  has  been  a  long  time  since  you  called  the  king  of 
Great  Britain,  father.  You  know  that  it  is  the  duty  of 
a  father  to  watch  over  his  children,  to  give  them  good 
advice,  and  to  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to  make 
them  happy.  What  has  this  father  of  yours  done  for 
you,  during  the  long  time  that  you  have  looked  up  to 
him  for  protection  and  advice?  Are  you  wiser  and 
happier  than  you  were  before  you  knew  him;  or  is 
your  nation  stronger  or  more  respectable  ?  No,  my 
children,  he  took  you  by  the  hand  when  you  were  a 
powerful  tribe ;  you  held  him  fast,  supposing  he  was 
your  friend,  and  he  conducted  you  through  paths  filled 
with  thorns  and  briers,  which  tore  your  flesh  and  shed 
your  blood.  Your  strength  was  exhausted,  and  you 
could  no  longer  follow  him.  Did  he  stay  by  you  in 
your  distress,  and  assist  and  comfort  you  ?  No,"  he  led 
you  into  danger,  and  then  abandoned  you.  He  saw 
your  blood  flowing  and  he  would  give  you  no  bandage 
to  tie  up  your  wounds.  This  was  the  conduct  of  the 
man  who  called  himself  your  father.  The  Great  Spirit 
opened  your  eyes ;  you  heard  the  voice  of  the  chief  of 
the  Seventeen  Fires,  speaking  the  words  of  peace.  He 
called  to  you  to  follow  him ;  you  came  to  him,  and  he 
once  more  put  you  on  the  right  way.  on  the  broad 
smooth  road  that  would  have  led  to  happiness.  But  the 
voice  of  your  deceiver  is  again  heard;  and  forgetful  of 
your  former  sufferings,  you  are  again  listening  to  him. 

"My  children,  shut  your  ears,  and  mind  him  not,  or 
he  will  lead  you  to  ruin  and  misery. 

"  My  children,  I  have  heard  bad  news.  The  sacred 
spot  where  the  great  council  fire  was  kindled,  around 
which  the  Seventeen  Fires  and  ten  tribes  of  their  chil 
dren,  smoked  the  pipe  of  peace — that  very  spot  where 
the  Great  Spirit  saw  his  red  and  white  children  encircle 
themselves  with  the  chain  of  friendship — that  place  has 
been  selected  for  dark  and  bloody  councils. 

"  My  children,  this  business  must  be  stopped.  You 
I  2 


102  JLIFJ3    OF    TECUMSEH. 

have  called  in  a  number  of  men  from  the  most  distant 
tribes,  to  listen,  to.  a  fool,  who  speaks  not  the  words  of 
the  Great  Spirit,  but  those  of  the  devil,  and  of  the  British 
agents.  My  children,  your  conduct  has  much  alarmed 
the  xvhite  settlers  near  you.  They  desire  that  you  wil* 
send  away  those  people,  and  if  they  wish  to  have  th* 
impostor  with  them,  they  can  carry  him.  Let  him  g* 
to  the  lakes;  he  can  hear  the  British  more  distinctly." 

At  the  time  of  the  delivery  of  this  speech,  the  heat 
chiefs  of  the  Shawanoes  were  absent  from  Greenville 
The  Prophet,  after  listening  patiently  to  it,  requested 
the  interpreter  to  write  down  the  following  answer, 
which  was  transmitted  to  the  governor. 

"  Father, — I  am  very  sorry  that  you  listen  to  the  ad 
vice  of  bad  birds.  You  have  impeached  me  with  hav 
ing  correspondence  with  the  British ;  and  with  calling 
and  sending  for  the  Indians  from  the  most  distant  part 
of  the  country,  "  to  listen  to  a  fool  that  speaks  not  the 
words  of  the  Great  Spirit,  but  the  words  of  the  devil." 
Father,  those  impeachments  I  deny,  and  say  they  are 
not  true,,.^!  never  had  a  word  with  the  British,  and  I 
never  sent  for  any  Indians.  They  came  here  them 
selves  to  listen,  and  hear  the  words  of  the  Great  Spirit.., 

"  Father,  I  wish  you  would  not  listen  any  more  to 
the  voice  of  bad  birds ;  ancLyou  may  rest  assured  that 
it  is  the  least  of  our  idea  to  make  disturbance,  and  we 
will  rather  try  to  stop  any  such  proceedings  than  to 
encourage  them.7-" 

The  appeal  of  the  governor,  as  may  be  inferred  from 
the  evasive  arid  cunning  answer  of  the  Prophet,  pro 
duced  no  change  in  his  measures,  nor  did  it  arrest  the 
spread  of  the  fanaticism  among  the  Indians  which  his 
incantations  had  set  afloat.  The  happiness  of  the  In 
dians  was  the  great  idea  which  Tecumseh  and  his  bro 
ther  promulgated  among  their  followers  as  being  the 
object  of  their  labors.  This  was  to  be  attained  by 
leading  more  virtuous  lives,  by  retaining  their  lands, 
and  in  simply  doing  what  the  government  of  the  Uni 
ted  Stales  had  frequently  urged  upon  them,  effecting 
an  extended  and  friendly  union  of  the  different  tribes. 
These  plausible  reasons,  backed  by  the  superstitious 
belief  of  the  Indians  in  the  inspired  character  of  the 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  103 

Prophet,  and  the  insidious  efforts  of  the  British  agents, 
in  fomenting  discontent  among  them,  were  sufficient  to 
keep  alive  the  excitement,  and  even  extend  the  circle 
of  its  influence.  Thus  ended  the  year  1807. 

The  reader  may  learn  the  extraordinary  success  of 
the  Prophet  in  spreading  his  influence  among  the  re 
mote  tribes,  by  a  reference  to  the  narrative  of  Mr.  John 
Tanner.  This  man  had  been  taken  captive  in  Boone 
county,  Kentucky,  when  a  boy ;  had  been  raised  by 
the  Indians,  and  was  at  this  time,  living  among  the 
Ojibbeways,  who  reside  far  up  the  lakes. 

News  reached  that  remote  tribe  that  a  great  man 
had  arisen  among  the  Shawanoes,  who  had  been  fa 
vored  by  a  revelation  of  the  mind  and  will  of  the  Great 
Spirit.  The  messenger  bearing  this  information  to 
them,  seemed  deeply  penetrated  with  the  sacred  char 
acter  of  his  mission.  Upon  his  arrival  among  them, 
he  announced  himself  after  a  mysterious  silence,  as  the 
forerunner  of  the  great  Prophet,  who  was  shortly  to 
shake  hands  with  the  Ojibbeways,  and  explain  to  them 
more  fully  his  inspired  character,  and  the  new  mode  of 
life  and  conduct  which  they  were  hereafter  to  pursue. 
He  then  gravely  repeated  to  them  the  Prophet's  sys 
tem  of  morals  ;  and  in  a  very  solemn  manner,  enjoined 
its  observance.  So  strong  was  the  impression  made 
upon  the  principal  men  of  the  Ojibbeways,  that  a  time 
was  appointed  and  a  lodge  prepared  for  the  public 
espousal  of  these  doctrines.  When  the  Indians  were 
assembled  in  the  new  lodge,  "we  saw  something/' 
says  Mr.  Tanner,  "  carefully  concealed  under  a  blan 
ket,  in  figure  arid  dimensions  bearing  some  resem 
blance  to  a  man.  This  was  accompanied  by  two  young 
men,  who,  it  was  understood,  attended  constantly  upon 
it,  made  its  bed  at  night,  as  for  a  man,  and  slept  near 
it.  But  while  we  remained,  no  one  went  near  to  it,  or 
raised  the  blanket  which  was  spread  over  its  unknown 
contents.  Four  strings  of  mouldy  and  discolored  beads 
were  all  the  visible  insignia  of  this  important  mission. 

"After  a  long  harangue,  in  which  the  prominent 
features  of  the  new  revelation  were  stated,  and  urged 
upon  the  attention  of  all,  the  four  strings  of  beads, 
which  we  were  told  were  made,,  of  the  flesh  of  the  Pro- 


104  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

phet,  were  carried  with  much  solemnity,  to  each  man 
in  the  lodge,  and  he  was  expected  to  take  hold  of  each 
string  at  the  top,  and  draw  them  gently  through  his 
hand.  This  was  called  shaking  hands  with  the  Pro- 
]3het,  and  was  considered  as  solemnly  engaging  to  obey 
his  injunctions,  and  accept  of  his  mission  as  from  the 
Supreme.  All  the  Indians  who  touched  the  beads  had 
previously  killed  their  dogs  ;  they  gave  up  their  medi 
cine  bags,  and  showed  a  disposition  to  comply  with  all 
that  should  be  required  of  them." 

The  excitement  among  the  Ojibbeways  continued 
for  some  time  ;  they  assembled  in  groups,  their  faces 
wearing  an  aspect  of  gloom  and  anxiety,  while  the 
active  sunk  into  indolence,  and  the  spirit  of  the  bravest 
warriors  was  subdued.  The  influence  of  the  Prophet, 
says  Mr.  Tanner,  "  was  very  sensibly  and  painfully  felt 
by  the  remotest  Ojibbeways  of  whom  I  had  any  know 
ledge  ;  but  it  was  not  the  common  impression  among 
them,  that  his  doctrines  had  any  tendency  to  unite  them 
in  the  accomplishment  of  any  human  purpose.  For 
two  or  three  years  drunkenness  was  much  less  fre 
quent  than  formerly;  war  was  less  thought  of;  and 
the  entire  aspect  of  things  among  them  was  changed 
by  the  influence  of  this  mission.  But  in  time  these 
new  impressions  were  obliterated;  medicine-bags,  flints 
and  steels,  the  use  of  which  had  been  forbidden,  were 
brought  into  use ;  dogs  were  reared,  women  and  chil 
dren  beaten  as  before ;  and  the  Shawanoe  Prophet  was 
despised." 

With  the  beginning  of  the  year  1808,  great  numbers 
of  Indians  came  down  from  the  lakes,  on  a  visit  to  the 
Prophet,  where  they  remained  until  their  means  of  sub 
sistence  were  exhausted.  The  governor  of  Indiana, 
with  the  prudence  and  humanity  which  marked  his 
administration,  directed  the  agent  at  fort  Wayne,  to 
supply  them  with  provisions  from  the  public  stores  at 
that  place.  This  was  done,  and  from  his  intercourse 
with  them  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  they  had  no 
hostile  designs  against  the  United  States.  About  this 
time,  Tecumseh  made  a  visit  to  the  Mississinaway 
towns,  the  immediate  object  of  which  could  riot  be 
clearly  ascertained.  That  it  was  connected  with  the 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  105 

grand  scheme  in  which  he  was  engaged,  is  probable 
from  the  fact  that  the  Indians  of  that  region  agreed  to 
meet  him  and  the  Prophet  on  the  Wabash,  in  the  fol 
lowing  June,  to  which  place  he  had  at  this  time  resolv 
ed  to  move  his  party.  Mr.  Jouett,  one  of  the  United 
States'  Indian  agents,  apprehended  that  this  meeting 
would  result  in  some  hostile  action  against  the  fron 
tiers  ;  and,  as  a  means  of  preventing  it,  and  putting  an 
end  to  the  influence  of  the  Prophet,  recommended  to 
the  governor  that  he  should  be  seized  and  confined. 
The  proposition,  however,  was  not  entertained. 

In  the  spring  of  this  year,  1808,  Tecumseh  and  the 
Prophet  removed  to  a  tract  of  land  granted  them  by 
the  Potawatamies  and  Kickapoos,  on  Tippecanoe,  one 
of  the  tributaries  of  the  Wabash  river.  They  had  not 
been  long  at  their  new  residence  before  it  became 
apparent  that  the  Prophet  had  established  a  strong  in 
fluence  over  the  minds  of  the  surrounding  Indians,  and 
there  was  much  reason  for  believing  that  his  views 
were  hostile  to  the  United  States.  The  governor  still 
confided  in  the  fidelity  of  the  Delawares  and  the  Mi- 
amis  ;  but  he  apprehended,  that  although  disbelievers 
in  the  Prophet's  divine  mission,  they  might  be  turned 
from  the  line  of  duty  from  a  fear  of  his  temporal  pow 
er.  When  he  had  established  himself  upon  the  banks 
of  the  Tippecanoe,  the  Prophet  drew  around  him  a 
body  of  northern  Indians,  principally  from  the  Pota 
watamies,  Ottowas  and  Chippewas.  To  this,  the  Mi- 
amis  and  Delawares  had  strong  objections ;  and  a  de 
putation  of  the  latter  was  sent  to  the  Prophet  on  the 
subject.  He  refused  to  see  them  himself,  but  Tecurn- 
seh  met  them  ;  and  after  a  solemn  conference,  they  re 
turned  to  their  tribe  writh  increased  apprehensions  of 
the  combination  at  Tippecanoe,  which  was  now  unit 
ing  warlike  sports  with  the  performance  of  religious 
duties.*  The  Delawares  decided  in  council  to  arrest 
the  progress  of  this  rising  power,  but  in  vain.  Strong 
in  the  moral  force  with  which  they  were  armed,  the 
two  brothers  were  not  to  be  driven  from  their  purpose 
of  planting  the  banner  of  union,  which  they  were  now 

*  Governor  Harrison  s  Correspondence  with  the  War  Department. 


106  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

holding  out  to  the  tribes,  upon  the  waters  of  the  Wa- 
bash.  The  sacred  office  which  the  Prophet  had  impi 
ously  assumed,  enabled  him  to  sway  many  minds,  and 
in  doing  so,  he  was  effectively  sustained  by  the  per 
sonal  presence,  tact  and  sagacity  of  his  brother.  From 
his  youth,  Tecumseh  had  been  noted  for  the  influence 
which  he  exercised  over  those  by  whom  he  was  sur 
rounded.  Hence,  when  the  chiefs  of  the  Miamis  and 
Dela wares,  who  were  disbelievers  in  the  Prophet's  holy 
character,  set  out  to  prevent  his  removal  to  the  Wa- 
bash,  Tecumseh  boldly  met  them,  and  turned  them 
from  their  purpose.  This  was  done  at  a  moment  when 
the  number  of  the  Prophet's  followers  was  greatly  re 
duced,  as  we  gather  from  the  statement  of  the  agent, 
John  Conner,  who  in  the  month  of  June,  of  this  year, 
visited  his  settlement  on  the  Wabash  to  reclaim  some 
horses  which  had  been  stolen  from  the  whites.  At  this 
time,  the  Prophet  had  not  more  than  forty  of  his  own 
tribe  with  him ;  and  less  than  a  hundred  from  others, 
principally  Potawatamies,  Chippewas,  Ottawas  and 
Winebagoes.  The  Prophet  announced  his  intention 
of  making  a  visit  to  governor  Harrison,  for,  the  purpose 
of  explaining  his  conduct,  and  procuring  a  supply  of 
provisions  for  his  followers.  This,  he  insisted,  could 
not  be  consistently  withheld  from  him,  as  the  white 
people  had  always  encouraged  him  to  preach  the  word 
of  God  to  the  Indians ;  and  in  this  holy  work  he  was 
now  engaged. 

Some  time  in  the  month  of  July,  the  governor  re 
ceived  a  speech  from  the  Prophet,  sent  to  Vincennes 
by  a  special  messenger.  It  was  cautious,  artful  and 
pacific  in  its  character.  It  deprecated  in  strong  terms 
the  misrepresentations  which  had  been  circulated  in 
regard  to  the  ulterior  objects  of  the  Prophet  and  his 
brother  as  to  the  whites  ;  and  renewed  the  promise  of 
an  early  visit.  This  visit  was  made  in  the  month  fol 
lowing,  and  was  continued  for  two  weeks,  during  which 
time  he  and  the  governor  had  frequent  interviews.  In 
these,  the  Prophet,  with  his  characteristic  plausibility, 
denied  that  his  course  was  the  result  of  British  influ 
ence.  His  sole  object,  he  alleged,  was  a  benevolent 
one  towards  his  red  brethren;  to  reclaim  them  from  the 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  .  07 

degrading  vices  to  which  they  were  addicted,  and  in 
duce  them  to  cultivate  a  spirit  of  peace  and  friendship, 
not  only  with  the  white  people,  but  their  kindred 
tribes.  To  this  sacred  office,  he  insisted,  with  much 
earnestness,  he  had  been  specially  called  by  the  Great 
Spirit.  That  he  might  the  more  successfully  enforce 
the  sincerity  of  his  views  upon  the  mind  of  the  gover 
nor,  he  took  occasion  several  times  during  the  visit,  to 
address  the  Indians  who  had  accompanied  him  to  Vin- 
cennes,  and  dwelt  upon  the  great  evils  resulting  to 
them  from  wars,  and  the  use  of  ardent  spirits.  It  was 
apparent  to  the  governor  that  the  Prophet  was  a  man 
of  decided  talents,  of  great  tact,  and  admirably  quali 
fied  to  play  successfully,  the  part  he  had  assumed.  In 
order  to  test  the  extent  of  his  influence  over  his  follow 
ers,  the  governor  held  conversations  with  them,  and 
several  times  offered  them  whiskey,  which  they  inva 
riably  refused.  Looking  to  that  amelioration  of  the 
condition  of  the  Indians,  which  had  long  engaged  his 
attention,  the  governor  began  to  hope  that  the  Pro 
phet's  power  over  them  might  be  turned  to  advantage ; 
and  that  the  cause  of  humanity  would  be  benefited  by 
sustaining  rather  than  trying  to  weaken  the  influence 
of  the  preacher.  This  impression  was  much  strength 
ened  by  the  following  speech  which  the  Prophet  deliv 
ered  to  him,  before  the  close  of  the  visit. 

"Father  : — It  is  three  years  since  I  first  began  with 
that  system  of  religion  which  I  now  practice.  The 
white  people  and  some  of  the  Indians  were  against 
me;  but  I  had  no  other  intention  but  to  introduce 
among  the  Indians,  those  good  principles  of  religion 
which  the  white  people  profess.  I  was  spoken  badly 
of  by  the  white  people,  who  reproached  me  with  mis 
leading  the  Indians ;  but  I  defy  them  to  say  that  I  did 
any  thing  amiss. 

"Father,  I  was  told  that  you  intended  to  hang  me. 
When  I  heard  this,  I  intended  to  remember  it,  and  tell 
my  father,  when  I  went  to  see  him,  and  relate  to  him 
the  truth. 

"  I  heard,  when  I  settled  on  the  Wabash,  that  my 
father,  the  governor,  had  declared  that  all  the  land  be 
tween  Vincennes  and  fort  Wayne,  was  the  property  of 


10S  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

the  Seventeen  Fires.  I  also  heard  that  you  wanted  to 
know,  my  father,  whether  I  was  God  or  man;  and 
that  you  said  if  I  was  the  former,  I  should  not  steal 
horses.  I  heard  this  from  Mr.  Wells,  but  I  believed  it 
originated  with  himself. 

"The  Great  Spirit. told  me  to  tell  the  Indians  that  he 
had  made  them,  and  made  the  world — that  he  had 
placed  them  on  it  to  do  good,  and  not  evil. 

"  I  told  all  the  red  skins,  that  the  way  they  were  in 
was  not  good,  and  that  they  ought  to  abandon  it. 

"  That  we  ought  to  consider  ourselves  as  one  man ; 
but  we  ought  to  live  agreeably  to  our  several  customs, 
the  red  people  after  their  mode,  and  the  white  people 
after  theirs  ;  particularly,  that  they  should  not  drink 
whiskey ;  that  it  was  not  made  for  them,  but  the  white 
people,  who  alone  knew  how  to  use  it ;  and  that  it  is 
the  cause  of  all  the  mischiefs  which  the  Indians  suffer ; 
and  that  they  must  always  follow  the  directions  of  the 
Great  Spirit,  and  we  must  listen  to  him,  as  it  was  he 
that  made  us :  determine  to  listen  to  nothing  that  is 
bad :  do  not  take  up  the  tomahawk,  should  it  be  offer 
ed  by  the  British,  or  by  the  long  knives :  do  not  med 
dle  with  any  thing  that  does  not  belong  to  you,  but 
mind  your  own  business,  and  cultivate  the  ground, 
that  your  women  and  your  children  may  have  enough 
to  live  on. 

"  I  now  inform  you,  that  it  is  our  intention  to  live 
in  peace  with  our  father  and  his  people  forever. 

"  My  father,  I  have  informed  you  what  we  mean  to 
do,  and  I  call  the  Great  Spirit  to  witness  the  truth  of 
my  declaration.  The  religion  which  I  have  established 
for  the  last  three  years,  has  been  attended  to  by  the 
different  tribes  of  Indians  in  this  part  of  the  world. 
Those  Indians  were  once  different  people;  they  are 
now  but  one :  they  are  all  determined  to  practice  what 
I  have  communicated  to  them,  that  has  come  imme 
diately  from  the  Great  Spirit  through  me. 

"Brother,  I  speak  to  you  as  a  warrior.  You  are  one. 
But  let  us  lay  aside  this  character,  and  attend  to  the 
care  of  our  children,  that  they  may  live  in  comfort  and 
peace.  We  desire  that  you  will  join  us  for  the  preser 
vation  of  both  red  and  white  people.  Formerly,  when 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  109 

we  lived  in  ignorance,  we  were  foolish;  but  now, 
since  we  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  Great  Spirit,  we  are 
happy. 

"  I  have  listened  to  what  you  have  said  to  us.  You 
have  promised  to  assist  us :  I  now  request  you,  in  be 
half  of  all  the  red  people,  to  use  your  exertions  to  pre 
vent  the  sale  of  liquor  to  us.  We  are  all  well  pleased 
to  hear  you  say  that  you  will  endeavor  to  promote  our 
happiness.  We  give  you  every  assurance  that  we  will 
follow  the  dictates  of  the  Great  Spirit. 

"  We  are  all  well  pleased  with  the  attention  that  you 
have  showed  us ;  also  with  the  good  intentions  of  our 
father,  the  President.  If  you  give  us  a  few  articles, 
such  as  needles,  flints,  hoes,  powder,  &c.,  we  will  take 
the  animals  that  afford  us  meat,  with  powder  and 
ball." 

Governor  Harrison,  if  not  deceived  by  the  plausible 
pretences  and  apparently  candid  declarations  of  the 
Prophet,  was  left  in  doubt,  whether  he  was  really  me 
ditating  hostile  movements  against  the  United  States, 
or  only  laboring,  with  the  energy  of  an  enthusiast,  in 
the  good  work  of  promoting  the  welfare  of  the  Indians. 
Having  received  a  supply  of  provisions,  the  Prophet 
and  his  followers,  at  the  end  of  a  fortnight,  took  leave 
of  the  governor  arid  returned  to  their  head  quarters,  on 
the  banks  of  the  Tippecanoe. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Tecumseh  visits  the  Wyandots — governor  Harrison's  letter  about  the 
Prophet  to  the  Secretary  at  War — British  influence  over  the  Indians— 
Tecumseh  burns  governor  Harrison's  letter  to  the  chiefs — great  alarm 
in  Indiana,  in  consequence  of  the  assemblage  of  the  Indians  at  Tippeca- 
noe — death  of  Leatherlips,  a  Wyandot  chief,  on  a  charge  of  witchcraft. 

DURING-  the  autumn  of  this  year,  1808,  nothing  ma 
terial  occurred  with  the  Prophet  and  his  brother,  calcu 
lated  to  throw  light  upon  their  conduct.  The  former 
continued -his  efforts  to  induce  the  Indians  to  forsake 
their  vicious  habits.  The  latter  was  occupied  in  visit- 

K 


110  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

mg  the  neighboring  tribes,  and  quietly  strengthening  his 
own  and  the  Prophet's  influence  over  them.  Early  in 
the  succeeding  year,  Tecumseh  attended  a  council  of 
Indians,  at  Sandusky,  when  he  endeavored  to  prevail 
upon  the  Wyandots  and  Senecas  to  remove  and  join 
his  establishment  at  Tippecanoe.  Among  other  rea 
sons  presented  in  favor  of  this  removal,  he  stated  that 
the  country  on  the  Tippecanoe  was  better  than  that 
occupied  by  these  tribes ;  that  it  was  remote  from  the 
whites,  and  that  in  it  they  would  have  more  game  and 
be  happier  than  where  they  now  resided.  In  this  mis 
sion  he  appears  not  to  have  been  successful.  The 
Crane,  an  old  chief  of  the  Wyandot  tribe,  replied,  that 
he  feared  he,  Tecumseh,  was  working  for  no  good  pur 
pose  at  Tippecanoe ;  that  they  would  wait  a  few 
years,  and  then,  if  they  found  their  red  brethren  at  that 
place  contented  and  happy,  they  would  probably  join 
them.'*  In  this  visit  to  Sandusky,  Tecumseh  was  ac 
companied  by  captain  Lewis,  a  Shawanoe  chief  of 
some  note,  who  then  engaged  to  go  with  him  to  the 
Creeks  and  Cherokees,  on  a  mission  which  he  was  con 
templating,  and  which  was  subsequently  accomplished. 
Lewis,  however,  did  not  finally  make  the  visit,  but  per 
mitted  Jim  Blue  Jacket  to  make  the  tour  in  his  place. 

In  April  of  the  year  1809,  the  agent  of  the  United 
States  at  fort  Wayne,  informed  governor  Harrison,  that 
it  had  been  reported  to  him  that  the  Chippewas,  Pota- 
watamies  and  Ottawas,  were  deserting  the  standard  of 
the  Prophet,  because  they  had  been  required  to  take 
up  arms  against  the  whites,  and  to  unite  in  an  effort  to 
exterminate  all  the  inhabitants  of  Vincennes,  and  those 
living  on  the  Ohio,  between  its  mouth  and  Cincinnati — 
it  being  the  order  of  the  Great  Spirit ;  and  that  their 
own  destruction  would  be  the  consequence  of  a  refusal. 
The  agent  did  not  think,  however,  that  hostilities 
were  likely  to  ensue,  as  he  was  informed  there  were 
not  more  than  one  hundred  warriors  remaining  with 
the  Prophet.  The  governor,  however,  had  informa 
tion  from  other  sources,  that  although  there  might  be 
but  that  number  of  warriors  at  the  Prophet's  village, 

*  Anthony  Shane. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

there  were,  within  fifty  miles  of  his  head-quarters,  four 
or  five  times  that  number,  who  were  devoted  to  him 
and  to  his  cause.  Under  these  circumstances,  he  deci 
ded  to  organize  forthwith,  under  previous  orders  from 
the  War  department,  two  companies  of  volunteer  mi 
litia,  and  with  them  to  garrison  fort  Knox — a  post 
about  two  miles  from  Vincennes — then  the  general  de 
pot  of  arms  and  ammunition,  for  the  use  of  the  neigh 
boring  militia.  The  agent  at  fort  Wayne  was  accord 
ingly  directed  by  the  governor  to  require  the  Delaware, 
Miami  and  Potawatamie  tribes,  to  prevent  any  hostile 
parties  of  Indians  from  passing  through  their  respective 
territories.  This  they  were  bound  to  do,  by  a  stipula 
tion  in  the  treaty  of  Greenville.  But  no  hostile  move 
ments,  (if  any  had  been  meditated,)  were  made  by  the 
Prophet,  and  before  the  close  of  the  month  of  May, 
most  of  his  warriors  had  dispersed,  and  all  apprehen 
sion  of  an  attack  from  the  Indians  was  dispelled. 

In  the  month  of  July,  in  reply  to  a  letter  from  the 
Secretary  of  War,  on  the  subject  of  the  defence  of  the 
north-western  frontier,  governor  Plarrison,  in  reference 
to  the  Prophet,  says: 

"  The  Shawanoe  Prophet  and  about  forty  followers, 
arrived  here  about  a  week  ago.  He  denies  most  stren 
uously,  any  participation  in  the  late  combination  to 
attack  our  settlements,  which  he  says  was  entirely  con 
fined  to  the  tribes  of  the  Mississippi  and  Illinois  rivers ; 
and  he  claims  the  merit  of  having  prevailed  upon  them 
to  relinquish  their  intentions. 

"  I  must  confess  that  my  suspicions  of  his  guilt  have 
been  rather  strengthened  than  diminished  at  every  in 
terview  I  have  had  with  him  since  his  arrival.  He 
acknowledges  that  he  received  an  invitation  to  war 
against  us,  from  the  British,  last  fall ;  and  that  he  was 
apprised  of  the  intention  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  &c, 
early  in  the  spring,  and  was  warmly  solicited  to  join  in 
their  league.  But  he  could  give  no  satisfactory  expla 
nation  of  his  neglecting  to  communicate  to  me,  circum 
stances  so  extremely  interesting  to  us;  and  towards 
which  I  had  a  few  months  before  directed  his  attention, 
and  received  a  solemn  assurance  of  his  cheerful  compli 
ance  with  the  injunctions  I  had  impressed  upon  him. 


112  LIFE    OF   TECUMSEH, 

"  The  result  of  all  my  enquiries  on  the  subject  is,  that 
the  late  combination  was  produced  by  British  intrigue 
and  influence,  in  anticipation  of  war  between  them 
and  the  United  States.  It  was,  however,  premature 
and  ill-judged,  and  the  event  sufficiently  manifests  a 
great  decline  in  their  influence,  or  in  the  talents  and 
address,  with  which  they  have  been  accustomed  to 
manage  their  Indian  relations. 

"  The  warlike  and  well  armed  tribes  of  the  Potawa- 
tamies,  Ottawas,  Chippewas,  Delawares,  and  Miamis, 
I  believe,  neither  had,  nor  would  have,  joined  in  the 
combination ;  and  although  the  Kickapoos,  whose  war 
riors  are  better  than  those  of  any  other  tribe,  the  rem 
nant  of  the  Wyandots  excepted,  are  much  under  the 
influence  of  the  Prophet,  I  am  persuaded  that  they 
were  never  made  acquainted  with  his  intentions,  if 
these  were  really  hostile  to  the  United  Slates." 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1809,  under  instructions 
from  the  President  of  the  United  States,  governor  Har 
rison  deemed  the  period  a  favorable  ono  to  extinguish 
the  Indian  title  to  the  lands  on  the  east  of  the  Wabash, 
and  adjoining  south  on  the  lines  established  by  the 
former  treaties  of  fort  Wayne  and  Grousland.  A  coun 
cil  was  accordingly  held,  in  the  latter  part  of  Septem 
ber,  at  fort  Wayne,  with  the  Miami,  Eel  river,  Dela 
ware  and  Potawatamie  tribes,  which  resulted  in  the 
purchase  of  the  land  above  mentioned.  A  separate 
treaty  was  made  with  the  Kickapoos,  who  confirmed 
the  grants  made  at  the  above  treaty,  and  also  ceded 
another  tract.  In  making  these  treaties,  governor  Har 
rison  invited  all  those  Indians  to  be  present,  who  were 
considered  as  having  any  title  to  the  lands  embraced 
within  them. 

Throughout  the  remainder  of  the  year  1809,  things 
remained  quiet  with  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet.  The 
number  of  their  followers  was  again  on  the  increase ; 
and,  although  no  overt  acts  of  hostility  against  the 
frontier  settlements  were  committed,  there  was  a  pre 
valent  suspicion  in  that  quarter,  that  the  Indians  enter 
tained  sinister  designs  towards  the  whites.  The  events 
of  the  early  part  of  the  year  1810,  were  such  as  to 
leave  little  doubt  of  the  hostile  intentions  of  the  broth 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  113 

ers.  In  the  latter  part  of  April,  governor  Harrison 
was  informed,  upon  credible  authority,  that  the  Pro 
phet  was  really  instigating  the  Indians  to  acts  of  hos 
tility  against  the  United  States ;  and  that  he  had  under 
his  immediate  control  about  four  hundred  warriors, 
chiefly  composed  of  Kickapoos  and  Winnebagoes,  but 
embracing  also  some  Shawanoes,  Potawatamies,  Chip- 
pewas,  and  Ottawas.  The  traders  among  them  at 
tributed  this  hostile  feeling  to  British  influence.  That 
the  followers  of  the  Prophet  had  received  a  supply  of 
powder  and  ball  from  the  English  agents,  was  general 
ly  admitted.  They  refused  to  buy  ammunition  from 
our  traders,  alleging  that  they  were  plentifully  supplied 
from  a  quarter  where  it  cost  them  nothing.  About  the 
middle  of  May,  it  was  ascertained  that  the  number  of 
warriors  with  the  Prophet,  amounted  to  more  than  six 
hundred  men,  and  there  were  reasons  to  apprehend 
that  his  influence  had  kindled  a  hostile  feeling  among 
several  of  the  tribes  to  the  west  and  north  of  his  head 
quarters.  A  meeting  of  Indians  having  been  appoint 
ed  to  take  place  about  this  time,  on  the  St.  Joseph's 
river,  governor  Harrison  made  an  appeal  to  them 
through  the  Delawares,  in  which  he  forcibly  pointed 
out  the  unhappy  results  that  would  certainly  follow 
any  attack  upon  the  United  States ;  and  cautioned  the 
friendly  tribes,  upon  the  dangers  to  which  they  would 
be  subjected,  in  consequence  of  the  difficulty  of  dis 
criminating  between  friends  and  enemies,  in  case  a  war 
should  occur.  In  July  the  governor  was  authorized 
by  the  Secretary  of  War,  to  take  such  steps  as  he  might 
deem  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier ;  and, 
at  the  same  time  was  informed  that  some  troops  had 
been  ordered  to  Vincennes  to  keep  in  check  the  hostile 
Indians  of  that  quarter. 

Fresh  apprehensions  were  now  felt  for  the  safety  of 
the  frontiers.  The  Prophet,  it  appears,  had  gained 
over  to  his  cause  the  Wyandot  tribe,  whose  councils 
had  always  exerted  a  strong  influence  among  the  Indi 
ans.  To  this  tribe  had  been  committed  the  preserva 
tion  of  the  Great  Belt,  the  symbol  of  union  among  th« 
tribes  in  their  late  war  with  the  United  States;  and 
also  the  original  duplicate  of  the  Greenville  treaty  of 


114  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

1795.  The  Prophet  sent  a  deputation  to  the  Wyan- 
dots  requesting  permission  to  examine  the  provisions 
of  that  treaty,  and  artfully  expressing  his  astonishment 
that  they,  who  had  ever  directed  the  councils  of  the 
Indians,  and  who  were  alike  renowned  for  their  talents 
and  bravery,  should  remain  passive,  and  see  the  lands 
of  the  red  men  usurped  by  a  part  of  that  race.  The 
Wyandots,  pleased  with  these  flattering  speeches,  re 
plied,  that  they  had  carefully  preserved  the  former 
symbol  of  union  among  the  tribes  ;  but  it  had  remain 
ed  so  long  in  their  hands  without  being  called  for,  they 
supposed  it  was  forgotten.  They  further  replied,  that 
weary  of  their  present  situation,  they  felt  desirous  of 
seeing  all  the  tribes  united  in  one  great  confederacy : 
that  they  would  join  such  a  union,  and  labor  to  arrest 
the  encroachments  of  the  whites  upon  their  lands,  and 
if  possible  recover  those  which  had  been  unjustly  tak 
en  from  them.  This  reply  of  the  Wyandots  was  ex 
actly  suited  to  the  objects  of  the  Prophet ;  and  he  lost 
no  time  in  sending  his  heralds  with  it,  in  every  direc 
tion.  The  Wyandots  soon  afterwards  made  a  visit  to 
Tippecanoe ;  and  in  passing  thither,  had  a  conference 
with  some  of  the  Miami  chiefs,  to  whom  they  showed 
the  great  belt,  and  charged  them  with  having  joined 
the  whites  in  opposition  to  their  red  brethren.  The 
Miamis  at  length  concluded  to  join  in  a  visit  to  the 
Prophet,  and  also  invited  the  Weas  to  join  with  them. 
About  this  time,  the  governor  was  informed  by  an 
aged  Piankishaw,  friendly  to  the  United  States,  that 
the  Prophet  had  actually  formed  a  plan  for  destroying 
the  citizens  of  Vincennes  by  a  general  massacre  ;  and 
that  he  boasted  that  he  would  walk  in  the  footsteps  of 
the  great  Pontiac.  From  another  source  the  governor 
learned  that  there  were  probably  three  hundred  Indi 
ans  within  thirty  miles  of  the  Prophet's  quarters  ;  and 
that  although  their  proceedings  were  conducted  with 
great  secrecy,  it  had  been  discovered  that  they  were 
determined  to  stop  the  United  States'  surveyors  from 
running  any  lines  west  of  the  Wabash.  Other  eviden 
ces  of  approaching  hostilities  were  not  wanting.  The 
Prophet,  and  the  Kickapoos  who  were  at  his  village, 
refused  to  accept  the  salt  which  had  been  sent  up  to 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH,  115 

them  as  a  part  of  their  annuities,  and  after  it  had  been 
put  upon  the  shore,  the  carriers  were  not  only  required 
to  replace  it  in  their  boat,  but  whilst  doing  so,  were 
treated  with  rudeness,  and  ordered  to  take  the  salt 
back  to  Vincennes.  They  were  Frenchmen,  or  in  all 
probability  they  would  have  been  treated  still  more 
harshly  * 

In  the  early  part  of  July,  governor  Harrison  receiv 
ed  a  letter  from  John  Johnston,  Indian  agent  at  fort 
Wayne,  in  which  he  says  : 

"A  person  just  arrived,  who  it  appears  has  lost  him 
self  in  his  route  to  Vincennes,  affords  me  an  opportu 
nity  of  announcing  to  you  my  return  to  this  fort.  I 
was  delayed  on  my  journey  in  attending  to  the  trans 
portation  of  the  public  goods ;  and  on  my  arrival  in  the 
state  of  Ohio,  I  had  learned  that  the  Prophet's  brother 
had  lately  been  at  work  among  the  Shawanoes,  on  the 
Auglaize ;  and,  among  other  things,  had  burned  your 
letter  delivered  to  the  chiefs  at  this  place  last  fall.  I 
accordingly  took  Wapakonetta  in  my  route  home,  as 
sembled  the  chiefs,  and  demanded  the  reason  why  they 
had  suffered  such  an  improper  act  to  be  committed  at 
their  door.  They  disavowed  all  agency  in  the  transac 
tion,  and  their  entire  disapprobation  of  the  Prophet's 
conduct;  and  concurring  circumstances  satisfied  me 
that  they  were  sincere.  The  white  persons  at  the 
town  informed  me  that  not  one  of  the  chiefs  would  go 
into  council  with  the  Prophet's  brother,  and  that  it 
was  a  preacher  named  Riddle,  who  took  the  letter  to 
have  it  interpreted,  and  that  the  brother  of  the  Prophet 
took  it  from  his  hand,  and  threw  it  into  the  fire,  de 
claring,  that  if  governor  Harrison  were  there,  he  would 
serve  him  so.  He  told  the  Indians  that  the  white  peo 
ple  and  the  government  were  deceiving  them,  and  that 
for  his  part,  he  never  would  believe  them,  or  put  any 
confidence  in  them;  that  he  never  would  be  quiet  until 
he  effected  his  purpose  ;  and  that  if  he  was  dead,  the 
cause  would  not  die  with  him.  He  urged  the  Indians 
to  move  off  to  the  Mississippi  with  him,  saying,  that 
there  he  would  assemble  his  forces.  All  his  argu- 

*  Governor  Harrison's  letters  to  the  War  Department, 


116  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

ments  seemed  to  be  bottomed  on  the  prospect  of  hos 
tilities  against  our  people.  He  made  no  impression  on 
the  Shawanoes,  and  went  away  much  dissatisfied  at 
their  not  coming  into  his  views.  I  consider  them 
among  our  best  friends.  I  indirectly  encouraged  their 
emigration  westward,  and  told  them  their  annuity 
should  follow  them.  They  appear  determined  to  re 
main,  and  are  much  attached  to  the  town  and  the  im 
provements,  which  are  considerable." 

Notwithstanding  the  Prophet  appears  in  all  these  re 
cent  transactions,  to  be  the  prominent  individual,  it  is 
certain  that  a  greater  one  was  behind  the  scene.  In 
the  junction  of  the  Wyandots  with  the  Prophet,  may 
be  seen  the  result  of  Tecumseh's  visit  to  that  tribe,  in 
the  previous  year,  at  Sandusky,  an  account  of  which 
has  been  already  given.  In  regard  to  the  salt  annuity, 
the  Prophet  knew  not  what  course  to  pursue,  until  he 
had  consulted  with  his  brother.  Tecumseh,  burning  the 
governor's  letter,  and  the  threat,  that  if  he  were  present 
he  should  meet  the  same  fate,  were  acts  in  keeping  with 
his  bold  character,  and  well  calculated  to  maintain  his 
ascendancy  among  the  Indians.  While  the  Prophet 
was  nominally  the  head  of  the  new  party,  and  undoubt 
edly  exercised  much  influence  by  means  of  his  suppos 
ed  supernatural  power,  he  was  but  an  agent,  controlled 
and  directed  by  a  master  spirit,  whose  energy,  address 
and  ceaseless  activity,  were  all  directed  to  the  accom 
plishment  of  the  grand  plan  to  which  he  had  solemnly 
devoted  his  life. 

The  information  which  flowed  in  upon  governor 
Harrison,  from  different  quarters,  relative  to  the  move 
ments  of  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet,  and  the  number 
of  their  followers,  were  such  as  to  induce  him  to  make 
the  most  active  preparations  to  meet  the  impending 
storm.  A  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Vincennes  was 
held  on  the  subject,  two  companies  of  militia  were 
called  into  active  service,  and  the  rest  were  directed  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  for  the  field.  Alarm-posts 
were  established,  and  other  measures  adopted,  espe 
cially  for  the  preservation  of  Vincennes,  which  appear 
ed  to  have  been  fixed  upon  as  the  first  point  of  attack. 

Toward  the  close  of  June,  Wirmemac,  at  the  head 


LIFE    OP   TECUMSEH.  117 

of  a  deputation  of  Potawatamies,  visited  the  governor 
at  Vincennes,  for  the  purpose  of  informing  him  of  the 
decision  of  a  council,  held  at  the  St.  Joseph's  of  lake 
Michigan,  which  had  been  attended  by  all  the  tribes  of 
that  quarter,  and  by  a  delegation  from  the  Delawares. 
This  deputation  was  present  for  the  purpose  of  dissua 
ding  the  Indians  from  joining  the  Prophet.  The  duty 
appears  to  have  been  faithfully  performed  by  them. 
They  protested  in  strong  terms,  against  the  schemes  of 
the  Prophet  and  his  brother,  and  induced,  it  is  believed, 
these  tribes  to  give  up  all  idea  of  joining  them.  Win- 
nemac  was  directed  to  inform  the  governor,  of  the  de 
termination  to  which  they  had  come,  and  also,  to  lay 
before  him  the  plans  of  the  Prophet.  According  to  the 
information  before  the  council,  Detroit,  St.  Louis,  fort 
Wayne,  Chicago  and  Vincennes,  were  all  to  be  surpris 
ed.  Efforts  were  making  to  persuade  the  tribes  resid 
ing  on  the  Mississippi,  to  unite  in  the  confederacy.  It 
further  appeared,  that  the  followers  of  the  Prophet, 
drawn  as  they  were  from  all  the  tribes,  embraced  but 
few,  if  any  of  the  peace  chiefs,  while  not  a  few  of  the 
war  chiefs,  or  the  leaders  of  small  parties,  were  enroll 
ing  themselves  under  his  standard.  Winnemac  stated 
to  the  governor,  that  the  Prophet  had  actually  suggest 
ed  to  his  young  men,  the  expediency  of  murdering  all 
the  leading  chiefs  of  the  surrounding  tribes,  on  the-  plea 
that  their  own  hands  would  never  be  untied  until  this 
was  done.  They,  he  said,  were  the  men  who  sold  their 
lands,  and  invited  the  encroachments  of  the  whites. 

About  the  period  of  Winnemac's  visit,  an  Indian  be 
longing  to  the  Iowa  tribe,  told  general  Harrison,  that 
two  years  before,  a  British  agent  visited  the  Prophet, 
and  delivered  a  message  to  him.  The  object  was  to 
induce  the  Prophet  to  persevere  in  uniting  the  tribes 
against  the  United  States,  but  not  to  make  any  hostile 
movement,  until  the  signal  was  given  him  by  the  Brit 
ish  authorities.  From  this  Iowa,  and  others  of  his 
tribe,  the  governor  ascertained  that  the  Prophet  had 
been  soliciting  them  and  other  tribes  on  the  Mississippi 
to  join  the  confederacy.  To  these  the  Prophet  stated, 
in  his  plausible  manner,  that  the  Americans  were 
ceaselessly  and  silently  invading  the  Indians,  until  those 


118  LIFE    OP    TECtJMSEH. 

who  had  suffered  most,  had  resolved  to  be  driven  back 
no  farther;  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  remote 
tribes  upon  whose  lands  the  march  of  civilization  had 
not  yet  pressed,  to  assist  those  who  had  already  lost 
theirs,  or  in  turn  a  corresponding  calamity  would  fol 
low  upon  them.  This,  the  Prophet  declared,  he  was 
directed  by  the  Great  Spirit  of  the  Indians  to  tell  them, 
adding,  that  this  Great  Spirit  would  utterly  destroy 
them,  if  they  ventured  to  doubt  the  words  of  his  cho 
sen  Prophet.* 

On  the  first  of  June,  a  Wyandot  chief,  called  Leath- 
erlips,  paid  the  forfeit  of  his  life  on  a  charge  of  witch 
craft.  General  Harrison  entertained  the  opinion  that 
his  death  was  the  result  of  the  Prophet's  command, 
and  that  the  party  who  acted  as  executioners  went 
directly  from  Tippecanoe,  to  the  banks  of  the  Scioto, 
where  the  tragedy  was  enacted.  Leatherlips  was 
found  encamped  upon  that  stream,  twelve  miles  above 
Columbus.  The  six  Wyandots  who  put  him  to  death, 
were  headed,  it  is  supposed,  by  the  chief  Roundhead. 
An  effort  was  made  by  some  white  men  who  were 
present  to  save  the  life  of  the  accused,  but  without  suc 
cess.  A  council  of  two  or  three  hours  took  place  :  the 
accusing  party  spoke  with  warmth  and  bitterness  of 
feeling :  Leatherlips  was  calm  and  dispassionate  in  his 
replies.  The  sentence  of  death,  which  had  been  pre 
viously  passed  upon  him,  was%'eaffirmed.  "  The  pri 
soner  then  walked  slowly  to  his  camp,  partook  of  a 
dinner  of  jerked  venison,  washed  and  arrayed  himself 
in  his  best  apparel,  and  afterwards  painted  his  face. 
His  dress  was  very  rich — his  hair  gray,  and  his  whole 
appearance  graceful  and  commanding/7  When  the 
hour  for  the  execution  had  arrived,  Leatherlips  shook 
hands  in  silence  with  the  spectators.  «  He  then  turn 
ed  from  his  wigwam,  and  with  a  voice  of  surpassing 
strength  and  melody  commenced  the  chant  of  the  death 
song.  He  was  followed  closely  by  the  Wyandot  war 
riors,  all  timing  with  their  slow  and  measured  march, 
the  music  of  his  wild  and  melancholy  dirge.  The 


*  General  Harrison's  official  correspondence — Dawson's  Historical  Nar 
rative. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  119 

white  m-en  were  likewise  all  silent  followers  in  that 
strange  procession.  At  the  distance  of  seventy  or 
eighty  yards  from  the  camp,  they  came  to  a  shallow 
grave,  wjiich,  unknown  to  the  white  men,  had  been 
previously  prepared  by  the  Indians.  Here  the  old  man 
knelt  down,  and  in  an  elevated  but  solemn  tone  of 
voice,  addressed  his  prayer  to  the  Great  Spirit.  As  soon 
as  he  had  finished,  the  captain  of  the  Indians  knelt  be 
side  him,  and  prayed  in  a  similar  manner.  Their  pray 
ers  of  course  were  spoken  in  the  Wyandot  tongue.  *  * 
*  *  "After  a  few  moments  delay,  the  prisoner  again 
sank  down  upon  his  knees  and  prayed  as  he  had  done 
before.  When  he  had  ceased,  he  still  continued  in  a 
kneeling  position.  All  the  rifles  belonging  to  the  party 
had  been  left  at  the  wigwam.  There  was  not  a  wea 
pon  of  any  kind  to  be  seen  at  the  place  of  execution, 
and  the  spectators  were  consequently  unable  to  form 
any  conjecture  as  to  the  mode  of  procedure,  which  the 
executioners  had  determined  on,  for  the  fulfilment  of 
their  purpose.  Suddenly  one  of  the  warriors  drew 
from  beneath  the  skirts  of  his  capote,  a  keen,  bright 
tomahawk — walked  rapidly  up  behind  the  chieftain — 
brandished  the  weapon  on  high,  for  a  single  moment, 
and  then  struck  with  his  whole  strength.  The  blow 
descended  directly  upon  the  crown  of  the  head,  and  the 
victim  immediately  fell  prostrate.  After  he  had  lain 
awhile  in  the  agonies  of  death,  the  Indian  captain  di 
rected  the  attention  of  the  white  men  to  the  drops  of 
sweat  which  were  gathering  upon  his  neck  and  face ; 
remarked  with  much  apparent  exultation,  that  it  was 
conclusive  proof  of  the  sufferer's  guilt.  Again  the  ex- 
scutioner  advanced,  and  with  the  same  weapon,  inflict 
ed  two  or  three  additional  and  heavy  blows.  As  soon 
as  life  was  entirely  extinct,  the  body  was  hastily  buried, 
with  all  its  apparel  and  decorations ;  and  the  assem 
blage  dispersed.77* 

One  of  Mr.  Heckewelder7s  correspondents,  as  quoted 
in  his  Historical  Account  of  the  Indian  Nations,  makes 
Tarhe,  better  known  by  the  name  of  Crane,  the  leader 
of  this  party.  This  has  been  denied  ;  and,  the  letter! 

*  Mr.  Otway  Curry,  in  the  Hesperian  for  May,  1838. 
t  Published  in  the  Hesperian  for  July,  1838. 


120  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

of  general  Harrison  on  the  subject,  proves  quite  con 
clusively  that  this  celebrated  chief  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  execution  of  Leatherlips.  Mr.  Heckewelder's 
correspondent  concurs  in  the  opinion  that  the  original 
order  for  the  death  of  this  old  man,  was  issued  from 
the  head  quarters  of  the  Prophet  and  his  brother. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Governor  Harrison  makes  another  effort  to  ascertain  the  designs  of  Te- 
cumseh  and  the  Prophet— Tecumseh  visits  the  governor  at  Vincennes, 
attended  by  four  hundred  warriors — a  council  is  held — Tecumseh  be 
comes  deeply  excited,  and  charges  governor  Harrison  with  falsehood- 
council  broken  up  in  disorder — renewed  the  next  day. 

FOR  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  more  fully  the  de 
signs  of  the  Prophet  and  his  brother,  governor  Harri 
son  now  despatched  two  confidential  agents  to  their 
head  quarters  at  Tippecanoe.  One  of  these  agents, 
Mr.  Dubois,  was  kindly  received  by  the  Prophet.  He 
stated  to  him  that  he  had  been  sent  by  governor  Harri 
son  to  ascertain  the  reason  of  his  hostile  preparations, 
and  of  his  enmity  to  the  United  States ;  that  his  con 
duct  had  created  so  much  alarm,  that  warriors  both  in 
Kentucky  and  Indiana  were  arming  for  service,  and 
that  a  detachment  of  regular  troops  was  then  actually 
on  its  way  to  Vincennes :  that  he  was  further  author 
ized  by  the  governor  to  say,  that  these  preparations 
were  only  for  defence ;  that  no  attempt  would  be  made 
against  him,  until  his  intention  to  commence  hostilities 
could  be  doubted  no  longer.  The  Prophet  denied  that 
he  intended  to  make  war,  and  declared  that  on  this 
point  he  had  been  unjustly  accused :  that  it  was  by  the 
express  commands  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  he  had  fix 
ed  himself  there  ;  and  that  he  was  ordered  to  assemble 
the  Indians  at  that  spot.  When  urged  by  the  agent  to 
state  the  grounds  of  his  complaints  against  the  United 
States,  he  replied,  the  Indians  had  been  cheated  of  their 
lands ;  that  no  sale  was  valid  unless  sanctioned  by  all 
the  tribes.  He  was  assured  that  the  government  would 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  121 

listen  to  any  complaints  he  might  have  to  urge ;  and 
that  it  was  expedient  for  him  to  go  to  Vincennes  and 
see  governor  Harrison  on  the  subject.  This  he  declin 
ed  doing,  giving  as  a  reason,  that  on  his  former  visit  to 
him,  he  had  been  badly  treated.  Mr.  Dubois  met  at 
the  Prophet's  town  with  some  Kickapoos,  with  whom 
he  was  acquainted.  They  seemed  to  regret  having 
joined  the  Prophet,  and  admitted  that  they  had  long 
suspected  that  it  was  his  wish  to  go  to  war  with  the 
United  States.  War  was  undoubtedly  his  intention, 
but  whether  against  the  United  States  or  the  Osage 
nation,  they  were  unable  to  say  with  certainty.  Mr. 
Dubois,  on  this  trip,  visited  the  Wea  and  Eel  river 
tribes,  and  found  them  apprehensive  that  war  would 
ensue,  and  that  they  would  find  themselves  involved 
in  it. 

The  letter  of  general  Harrison  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  detailing  the  results  of  this  mission,  concludes 
with  the  following  remarks  upon  the  principles  long 
and  stoutly  contended  for  by  Tecurnseh,  that  the  In 
dian  lands  were  the  common  property  of  all  the  tribes, 
and  could  not  be  sold  without  the  consent  of  all. 

"  The  subject  of  allowing  the  Indians  of  this  coun 
try  to  consider  all  their  lands  as  common  property,  has 
been  frequently  and  largely  discussed,  in  my  commu 
nications  with  your  predecessor,  and  in  a  personal 
interview  with  the  late  President.  The  treaties  made 
by  me  las!  fall  were  concluded  on  principles  as  liberal 
towards  the  Indians,  as  my  knowledge  of  the  views 
and  opinions  of  the  government  would  allow.  For 
although  great  latitude  of  discretion  has  always  been 
given  to  me,  I  knew  that  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
on  the  subject  went  so  far  as  to  assert  a  claim  of  the 
United  States,  as  lords  paramount,  to  the  lands  of  all 
extinguished  or  decayed  tribes,  to  the  exclusion  of  all 
recent  settlers.  Upon  this  principle,  the  Miami  nation 
are  the  only  rightful  claimants  of  all  the  unpurchased 
lands  from  the  Ohio  to  the  Illinois  and  Mississippi  riv 
ers.  But,  sir,  the  President  may  rest  assured  that  the 
complaint  of  injury,  with  regard  to  the  sale  of  lands, 
is  a  mere  pretence  suggested  to  the  Prophet  by  British 
partisans  and  emissaries." 

L 


122  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

Early  in  July,  some  of  the  Prophet's  followers  de 
scended  the  Wabash  to  a  point  below  Terre  Haute, 
and  .stole  several  horses.  A  few  days  afterwards,  go 
vernor  Harrison  ascertained  from  a  party  of  Indians 
who  were  on  a  visit  to  Vincennes,  that  the  Sacs  and 
Foxes  had  taken  up  the  hatchet,  and  declared  them 
selves  ready  to  act  with  the  Prophet,  whenever  it 
should  be  required.  It  was  further  stated,  that  a 
Miami  chief,  who  had  just  returned  from  his  annual 
visit  to  Maiden,  after  receiving  his  usual  stipend  of 
goods,  was  addressed  by  the  British  agent,  Elliot,  in 
these  words  :  "  My  son,  keep  your  eyes  fixed  on  me — 
my  tomahawk  is  now  up — be  you  ready,  but  do  not 
strike  till  I  give  the  signal." 

About  the  same  time,  the  governor,  in  the  hope  of 
staying  the  movements  of  the  Prophet,  or  at  least  of 
ascertaining  the  amount  of  his  forces,  forwarded  to  him 
by  a  confidential  interpreter,  the  following  speech: 

"William  Henry  Harrison,  governor  and  comiftan- 
der-in-chief  of  the  territory  of  Indiana,  to  the  Shawa- 
noe  chief,  and  the  Indians  assembled  at  Tippecanoe  : 

"Notwithstanding  the  improper  language  which  you 
have  used  towards  me,  I  will  endeavor  to  open  your 
eyes  to  your  true  interests.  Notwithstanding  what 
white  bad  men  have  told  you,  I  am  not  your  personal 
enemy.  You  ought  to  know  this  from  the  manner  in 
which  I  received  and  treated  you,  on  your  visit  to  this 
place. 

"  Although  I.  must  say,  that  you  are  an  enemy  to  the 
Seventeen  Fires,  and  that  you  have  used  the  greatest 
exertions  with  other  tribes  to  lead  them  astray.  In 
this,  you  have  been  in  some  measure  successful ;  as  I 
am  told  they  are  ready  to  raise  the  tomahawk  against 
their  father ;  yet  their  father,  notwithstanding  his  anger 
at  their  folly,  is  full  of  goodness,  and  is  always  ready 
to  receive  into  his  arms  those  of  his  children  who  are 
willing  to  repent,  acknowledge  their  fault,  and  ask  for 
his  forgiveness. 

"  There  is  yet  but  little  harm  done,  which  may  be 
easily  repaired.  The  chain  of  friendship  which  united 
the  whites  with  the  Indians,  may  be  renewed,  and  be 
as  strong  as  ever.  A  great  deal  of  that  work  depend* 


UFE    OF   TECUMSEH.  123 

on  you — the  destiny  of  those  who  are  under  your  direc 
tion,  depends  upon  the  choice  you  may  make  of  the 
two  roads  which  are  before  you.  The  one  is  large, 
open  and  pleasant,  and  leads  to  peace,  security  arid 
happiness;  the  other,  on  the  contrary,  is  narrow  and 
crooked,  and  leads  to  misery  and  ruin.  Don't  deceive 
yourselves ;  do  not  believe  that  all  the  nations  of  Indi 
ans  united,  are  able  to  resist  the  force  of  the  Seventeen 
Fires.  I  know  your  warriors  are  brave,  but  ours  are 
not  less  so ;  but  what  can  a  few  brave  warriors  do, 
against  the  innumerable  warriors  of  the  Seventeen 
Fires?  Our  blue  coats  are  more  numerous  than  you 
can  count ;  our  hunters  are  like  the  leaves  of  the  forest, 
or  the  grains  of  sand  on  the  Wabash. 

"  Do  not  think  that  the  red  coats  can  protect  you ; 
they  are  not  able  to  protect  themselves.  They  do  not 
think  of  going  to  war  with  us.  If  they  did,  you  would 
in  a  few  moons  see  our  rlag  wave  over  all  the  forts  of 
Canada. 

"  What  reason  have  you  to  complain  of  the  Seven 
teen  Fires  ?  have  they  taken  any  thing  from  you — have 
they  ever  violated  the  treaties  made  with  the  red  men  ? 
You  say  that  they  purchased  lands  from  them  who  had 
no  right  to  sell  them :  show  that  this  is  true,  and  the 
land  will  be  instantly  restored.  Show  us  the  rightful 
owners  of  those  lands  which  have  been  purchased — let 
them  present  themselves.  The  ears  of  your  father  will 
be  opened  to  your  complaints,  and  if  the  lands  have 
been  purchased  of  those  who  did  not  own  them,  they 
will  be  restored  to  the  rightful  owners.  I  have  full 
power  to  arrange  this  business ;  but  if  you  would  rath 
er  carry  your  complaints  before  your  great  father,  the 
President,  you  shall  be  indulged.  I  will  immediately 
take  means  to  send  you  with  those  chiefs  which  you 
may  choose,  to  the  city  where  your  father  lives.  Eve 
ry  thing  necessary  shall  be  prepared  for  your  journey, 
and  means  taken  for  your  safe  return." 

Tecumseh  was  present  when  the  interpreter  deliv 
ered  this  speech.  The  Prophet  made  no  reply  to  it, 
but  promised  to  send  one  by  his  brother,  who  intended, 
in  a  few  weeks,  to  make  a  visit  to  governor  Harrison. 
In  conversation,  however,  with  the  interpreter,  the 


124  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

Prophet  strongly  disavowed  the  idea  that  he  had  any 
hostile  intentions ;  but  at  the  same  time  declared,  that 
it  would  not  be  practicable  long  to  maintain  peace  with 
the  United  States,  unless  the  government  would  recog 
nize  the  principle,  that  the  lands  were  the  common 
property  of  all  the  Indians;  and  cease  to  make  any 
further  settlement  to  the  north  and  west.  "  The  Great 
Spirit"  continued  he,  "  gave  this  great  island  to  his  red 
children ;  he  placed  the  whites  on  the  other  side  of  the 
big  water ;  they  were  not  contented  with  their  own, 
but  came  to  take  ours  from  us.  They  have  driven  us 
from  the  sea  to  the  lakes :  we  can  go  no  further.  They 
have  taken  upon  them  to  say,  this  tract  belongs  to  the 
Miamis,  this  to  the  Delawares,  and  so  on ;  but  the 
Great  Spirit  intended  it  as  the  common  property  of  us 
all.  Our  father  tells  us,  that  we  have  no  business  upon 
the  Wabash,  the  land  belongs  to  other  tribes;  but  the 
Great  Spirit  ordered  us  to  come  here,  and  here  we  will 
stay."  He  expressed  himself,  in  the  course  of  the  con 
versation,  gratified  with  the  speech  which  the  governor 
had  sent  him ;  saying,  he  recollected  to  have  seen  him, 
when  a  very  young  man,  sitting  by  the  side  of  general 
Wayne. 

Some  of  the  Indians,  then  at  the  Prophet's  town, 
appeared  to  be  alarmed  at  the  arrival  of  the  interpreter, 
and  professed  themselves  dissatisfied  with  the  conduct 
of  their  leaders.  Tecumseh  told  him,  that  in  making 
his  promised  visit  to  the  governor,  he  should  bring 
with  him  about  thirty  of  his  principal  warriors ;  and  as 
the  young  men  were  fond  of  attending  on  such  occa 
sions,  the  whole  number  might  probably  be  one  hun 
dred.  The  Prophet  added,  that  the  governor  might 
expect  to  see  a  still  larger  number  than  that  named  by 
his  brother. 

Upon  the  return  of  the  interpreter  to  Vincennes,  the 
governor,  not  wishing  to  be  burthened  with  so  large  a 
body  of  Indians,  despatched  a  messenger  to  Tecumseh, 
requesting  that  he  would  bring  with  him  but  a  few  of 
his  followers.  This  request,  however,  was  wholly  dis 
regarded  ;  and  on  the  12th  of  August,  the  chief,  attended 
by  four  hundred  warriors,  fully  armed  with  tomahawks 
and  war-clubs,  descended  the  Wabash  to  Vincennes,  for 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH,  Ifc5 

the  purpose  of  holding  the  proposed  conference.  From 
a  family  letter  written  by  captain  Floyd,  then  com 
manding  at  fort  Knox,  three  miles  above  Vincennes, 
under  date  of  14th  of  August,  1810,  the  following  ex 
tract  is  made,  referring  to  this  visit  of  the  chieftain  and 
his  war-like  retinue. 

"Nothing  new  has  transpired  since  my  last  letter  to 
you,  except  that  the  Shawanoe  Indians  have  come ; 
they  passed  this  garrison,  which  is  three  miles  above 
Vincennes,  on  Sunday  last,  in  eighty  canoes ;  they  were 
all  painted  in  the  most  terrific  manner:  they  were  stop 
ped  at  the  garrison  by  me,  for  a  short  time  :  I  examin 
ed  their  canoes  and  found  them  well  prepared  for  war, 
in  case  of  an  attack.  They  were  headed  by  the  broth 
er  of  the  Prophet,  (Tecumseh)  who,  perhaps,  is  one  of 
the  finest  looking  men  I  ever  saw — about  six  feet  high, 
straight,  with  large,  fine  features,  and  altogether  a  dar 
ing,  bold  looking  fellow.  The  governor's  council  with 
them  will  commence  to-morrow  morning.  He  has  di 
rected  me  to  attend." 

Governor  Harrison  had  made  arrangements  for  hold 
ing  the  council  on  the  portico  of  his  own  house,  which 
had  been  fitted  up  with  seats  for  the  occasion.  Here, 
on  the  morning  of  the  fifteenth,  he  awaited  the  arrival 
of  the  chief,  being  attended  by  the  judges  of  the  Su 
preme  Court,  some  officers  of  the  army,  a  sergeant  and 
twelve  men,  from  fort  Knox,  and  a  large  number  of 
citizens.  At  the  appointed  hour  Tecumseh,  supported 
by  forty  of  his  principal  warriors,  made  his  appearance, 
the  remainder  of  his  followers  being  encamped  in  the 
village  and  its  environs.  When  the  chief  had  ap 
proached  within  thirty  or  forty  yards  of  the  house,  he 
suddenly  stopped,  as  if  awaiting  some  advances  from 
the  governor.  An  interpreter  was  sent  requesting  him 
and  his  followers  to  take  seats  on  the  portico.  To  this 
Tecumseh  objected — he  did  not  think  the  place  a  suita 
ble  one  for  holding  the  conference,  but  preferred  that  it 
should  take  place  in  a  grove  of  trees, — to  which  he 
pointed, — standing  a  short  distance  from  the  house. 
The  governor  said  he  had  no  objection  to  the  grove, 
except  that  there  were  no  seats  in  it  for  their  accom 
modation.  Tecumseh  replied,  that  constituted  no  ob- 
L  2 


126  LIFE    OP   TECUMSEH. 

jection  to  the  grove,  the  earth  being  the  most  suitable 
place  for  the  Indians,  who  loved  to  repose  upon  the  bo 
som  of  their  mother.  The  governor  yielded  the  point, 
and  the  benches  and  chairs  having  been  removed  to 
the  spot,  the  conference  was  begun,  the  Indians  being 
seated  on  the  grass. 

Teeumseh  opened  the  meeting  by  stating,  at  length, 
his  objections  to  the  treaty  of  fort  Wayne,  made  by  gov 
ernor  Harrison  in  the  previous  year ;  and  in  the  course 
of  his  speech,  boldly  avowed  the  principle  of  his  party 
to  be,  that  of  resistance  to  every  cession  of  land,  unless 
made  by  all  the  tribes,  who,  he  contended,  formed  but 
one  nation.  He  admitted  that  he  had  threatened  to 
kill  the  chiefs  who  signed  the  treaty  of  fort  Wayne; 
and  that  it  was  his  fixed  determination  not  to  permit 
the  village  chiefs,  in  future,  to  manage  their  affairs,  but 
to  place  the  power  with  which  they  had  been  hereto 
fore  invested,  in  the  hands  of  the  war  chiefs.  The 
Americans,  he  said,  had  driven  the  Indians  from  the 
sea  coast,  and  would  soon  push  them  into  the  lakes; 
and,  while  he  disclaimed  all  intention  of  making  war 
upon  the  United  States,  he  declared  it  to  be  his  unal 
terable  resolution  to  take  a  stand,  and  resolutely  oppose 
the  further  intrusion  of  the  whites  upon  the  Indian 
lands.  He  concluded,  by  making  a  brief  but  impas 
sioned  recital  of  the  various  wrongs  and  aggressions 
inflicted  by  the  white  men  upon  the  Indians,  from  the 
commencement  of  the  Revolutionary  war  down  to  the 
period  of  that  council ;  all  of  which  was  calculated  to 
arouse  and  inflame  the  minds  of  such  of  his  followers 
as  were  present. 

The  governor  rose  in  reply,  and  in  examining  the 
right  of  Teeumseh  and  his  party  to  make  objections  to 
the  treaty  of  fort  Wayne,  took  occasion  to  say,  that  the 
Indians  were  not  one  nation,  having  a  common  prop 
erty  in  the  lands.  The  Miamis,  he  contended,  were 
the  real  owners  of  the  tract  on  the  Wabash,  ceded  by 
the  late  treaty,  and  the  Shawanoes  had  no  right  to  in 
terfere  in  the  case  ;  that  upon  the  arrival  of  the  whites 
on  this  continent,  they  had  found  the  Miamis  in  pos 
session  of  this  land,  the  Shawanoes  being  then  residents 
of  Georgia,  from  which  they  had  been  driven  by  the 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  127 

Creeks,  and  that  it  was  ridiculous  to  assert  that  the  red 
men  constituted  but  one  nation ;  for,  if  such  had  been 
the  intention  of  the  Great  Spirit,  he  would  not  have 
put  different  tongues  in  their  heads,  but  have  taught 
them  all  to  speak  the  same  language. 

The  governor  having  taken  his  seat,  the  interpre 
ter  commenced  explaining  the  speech  to  Tecuinseh? 
who,  after  listening  to  a  portion  of  it,  sprung  to  his 
feet  and  began  to  speak  with  great  vehemence  of 
manner. 

The  governor  was  surprised  at  his  violent  gestures, 
but  as  he  did  not  understand  him,  thought  he  was  ma 
king  some  explanation,  and  suffered  his  attention  to  be 
drawn  towards  Winnemac,  a  friendly  Indian  lying  on 
the  grass  before  him,  who  was  renewing  the  priming 
of  his  pistol,  which  he  had  kept  concealed  from  the 
other  Indians,  but  in  full  view  of  the  governor.  His 
attention,  however,  was  again  directed  towards  Te- 
cumseh,  by  hearing  general  Gibson,  who  was  intimate 
ly  acquainted  with  the  Shawanoe  language,  say  to  lieu 
tenant  Jennings,  "those  fellows  intend  mischief ;  you 
had  better  bring  up  the  guard."  At  that  moment,  the 
followers  of  Tecumseh  seized  their  tomahawks  and 
war  clubs,  and  sprung  upon  their  feet,  their  eyes  turned 
upon  the  governor.  As  soon  as  he  could  disengage 
himself  from  the  armed  chair  in  which  he  sat,  he  rose, 
drew  a  small  sword  which  he  had  by  his  side,  and 
stood  on  the  defensive.  Captain  G.  R.  Floyd,  of  the  ar 
my,  who  stood  near  him,  drew  a  dirk,  and  the  chief  Win- 
nemac  cocked  his  pistol.  The  citizens  present,  were 
more  numerous  than  the  Indians,  but  were  unarmed ; 
some  of  them  procured  clubs  arid  brick-bats,  and  also 
stood  on  the  defensive.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Winans,  of  the 
Methodist  church,  ran  to  the  governor's  house,  got  a 
gun,  and  posted  himself  at  the  door  to  defend  the  fami 
ly.  During  this  singular  scene,  no  one  spoke,  until  the 
guard  came  running  up,  and  appearing  to  be  in  the  act 
of  firing,  the  governor  ordered  them  not  to  do  so.  He 
then  demanded  of  the  interpreter,  an  explanation  of 
what  had  happened,  who  replied  that  Tecumseh  had 
interrupted  him,  declaring  that  all  the  governor  had 


128  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

said  was  false;  and  that  he  and  the  Seventeen  Fires 
had  cheated  and  imposed  on  the  Indians.* 

The  governor  then  told  Tecumseh  that  he  was  a  bad 
man,  and  that  he  would  hold  no  further  communication 
with  him ;  that  as  he  had  come  to  Vincennes  under  the 
protection  of  a  council-fire,  he  might  return  in  safety, 
but  that  he  must  immediately  leave  the  village.  Here 
the  council  terminated.  During  the  night,  two  compa 
nies  of  militia  were  brought  in  from  the  country,  and 
that  belonging  to  the  town  was  also  embodied.  Next 
morning  Tecumseh  requested  the  governor  to  aifdrd 
him  an  opportunity  of  explaining  his  conduct  on  the 
previous  day — declaring,  that  he  did  not  intend  to  at 
tack  the  governor,  and  that  he  had  acted  under  the 
advice  of  some  of  the  white  people.  The  governor 
consented  to  another  interview,  it  being  understood  that 
each  party  should  have  the  same  armed  force  as  on  the 
previous  day.  On  this  occasion,  the  deportment  of 
Tecumseh  was  respectful  and  dignified.  He  again  de 
nied  having  had  any  intention  to  make  an  attack  upon 
the  governor,  and  declared  that  he  had  been  stimulated 
to  the  course  he  had  taken,  by  two  white  men,  who 
assured  him  that  one  half  of  the  citizens  were  opposed 
to  the  governor,  and  willing  to  restore  the  land  in  ques 
tion  ;  that  the  governor  would  soon  be  put  out  of  of 
fice,  and  a  good  man  sent  to  fill  his  place,  who  would 
give  up  the  land  to  the  Indians.  When  asked  by  the 
governor  whether  he  intended  to  resist  the  survey  of 
these  lands,  Tecumseh  replied  that  he  and  his  followers 
were  resolutely  determined  to  insist  upon  the  old  boun 
dary.  When  he  had  taken  his  seat,  chiefs  from  the 
WTyandots,  Kickapoos,  Potawatamies,  Ottawas,  and 
Winnebagoes,  spoke  in  succession,  and  distinctly  avow 
ed  that  they  had  entered  into  the  Shawanoe  confede 
racy,  and  were  determined  to  support  the  principles 
laid  down  by  their  leader.  The  governor,  in  conclu 
sion,  stated  that  he  would  make  known  to  the  Presi 
dent,  the  claims  of  Tecumseh  and  his  party,  to  the  land 
in  question ;  but  that  he  was  satisfied  the  government 

*  Daw-son's  Historical  Narrative. 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  129 

would  never  admit  that  the  lands  on  the  Wabash  were 
the  property  of  any  other  tribes  than  those  who  occu 
pied  them,  when  the  white  people  first  arrived  in 
America;  and,  as  the  title  to  these  lands  had  been 
derived  by  purchase  from  those  tribes,  he  might  rest 
assured  that  the  right  of  the  United  States  would  be 
sustained  by  the  sword.  Here  the  council  adjourned. 

On  the  following  day,  governor  Harrison  visited 
Tecumseh  in  his  camp,  attended  only  by  the  interpre 
ter,  and  was  very  politely  received.  A  long  conversa 
tion  ensued,  in  which  Tecumseh  again  declared  that 
his  intentions  were  really  such  as  he  had  avowed  them 
to  be  in  the  council ;  that  the  policy  which  the  United 
States  pursued,  of  purchasing  lands  from  the  Indians, 
he  viewed  as  a  mighty  water,  ready  to  overflow  his 
people ;  and  that  the  confederacy  which  he  was  form 
ing  among  the  tribes  to  prevent  any  individual  tribe 
from  selling  without  the  consent  of  the  others,  was  the 
dam  he  was  erecting  to  resist  this  mighty  water.  He 
stated  further,  that  he  should  be  reluctantly  drawn  into 
a  war  w'ith  the  United  States  ;  and  that  if  he,  the  go 
vernor,  would  induce  the  President  to  give  up  the  lands 
lately  purchased,  and  agree  never  to  make  another 
treaty  without  the  consent  of  all  the  tribes,  he  would 
be  their  faithful  ally  and  assist  them  in  the  war,  which 
he  knew  was  about  to  take  place  with  England ;  that 
he  preferred  being  the  ally  of  the  Seventeen 'Fires,  but 
if  they  did  not  comply  with  his  request,  he  would  be 
compelled  to  unite  with  the  British.  The  governor 
replied,  that  he  would  make  known  his  views  to  the 
President,  but  that  there  was  no  probability  of  their 
being  agreed  to.  "Well,"  said  Tecumseh,  "as  the 
great  chief  is  to  determine  the  matter,  I  hope  the  Great 
Spirit  will  put  sense  enough  into  his  head  to  induce 
him  to  give  up  this  land :  it  is  true,  he  is  so  far  off  he 
will  not  be  injured  by  the  war  ;  he  may  sit  still  in  his 
town  and  drink  his  wine,  whilst  you  and  I  will  have 
to  fight  it  out."  This  prophecy,  it  will  be  seen,  was 
literally  fulfilled ;  and  the  great  chieftain  who  uttered 
it,  attested  that  fulfilment  with  his  blood.  The  govern 
or,  in  conclusion,  proposed  to  Tecumseh,  that  in  the 
event  of  hostilities  between  the  Indians  and  the  United 


130  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

States,  he  should  use  his  influence  to  put  an  end  to  the 
cruel  mode  of  warfare  which  the  Indians  were  accus 
tomed  to  wage  upon  women  and  children,  or  upon  pri 
soners.  To  this  he  cheerfully  assented ;  and,  it  is  due 
to  the  memory  of  Tecumseh  to  add,  that  he  faithfully 
kept  his  promise  down  to  the  period  of  his  death.* 

Whether  in  this  council  Tecumseh  really  meditated 
treachery  or  only  intended  to  intimidate  the  governor, 
must  remain  a  matter  of  conjecture.  If  the  former,  his 
force  of  four  hundred  well  armed  warriors  was  suffi 
cient  to  have  murdered  the  inhabitants  and  sacked  the 
town,  which  at  that  time  did  not  contain  more  than 
one  thousand  persons,  including  women  and  children. 

When  in  the  progress  of  the  conference,  he  and  his 
forty  followers  sprung  to  their  arms,  there  would  have 
been,  in  all  probability,  a  corresponding  movement 
with  the  remainder  of  his  warriors  encamped  in  and 
around  the  village,  had  he  seriously  contemplated  an 
attack  upon  the  governor  and  the  inhabitants.  But 
this  does  not  appear  to  have  been  the  case.  It  is  pro 
bable,  therefore,  that  Tecumseh,  in  visiting  Vincennes 
with  so  large  a  body  of  followers,  expected  to  make  a 
strong  impression  upon  the  whites  as  to  the  extent  of 
his  influence  among  the  Indians,  and  the  strength  of  his 
party.  His  movement  in  the  council  may  have  been 
concerted  for  the  purpose  of  intimidating  the  governor ; 
but  the  "more  probable  supposition  is,  that  in  the  ex 
citement  of  the  moment,  produced  by  the  speech  of  the 
governor,  he  lost  his  self-possession,  and  involuntarily 
placed  his  hand  upon  his  war-club,  in  which  move 
ment  he  was  followed  by  the  warriors  around  him, 
without  any  previous  intention  of  proceeding  to  ex 
tremities.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  fact,  the  bold 
chieftain  found  in  governor  Harrison  a  firmness  of  pur 
pose  and  an  intrepidity  of  manner  which  must  have 
convinced  him  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  an  ef 
fort  at  intimidation,  however  daring. 

Soon  after  the  close  of  this  memorable  council,  go- 

*  In  Marshall's  History  of  Kentucky,  vol.  2.  p.  482,  there  is  a  speech 
quoted  as  having  been  delivered  by  Tecumseh  at  this  council.  We  are 
authorised,  on  the  best  authority,  to  say  that  it  is  a  sheer  fabrication.  No 
such  speech  was  delivered  by  him  at  the  council. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  131 

vernor  Harrison  made  arrangements  for  the  survey 
of  the  land  purchased  at  the  treaty  of  fort  Wayne,  un 
der  the  protection  of  a  detachment  of  soldiers.  About 
the  same  time,  « a  young  Iowa  chief,  whom  the 
governor  had  employed  to  go  to  the  Prophet's  town 
to  gain  information,  reported,  on  his  return,  that  he 
had  been  told  by  an  old  Winnebago  chief,  who  was 
his  relation,  that  the  great  Belt  which  had  been  sent 
round  to  all  the  tribes,  for  the  purpose  of  uniting 
them,  was  returned  ;  and  he  mentioned  a  considerable 
number  who  had  acceded  to  the  confederacy,  the  ob 
ject  of  which  was  "  to  confine  the  great  water  and 
prevent  it  from  overflowing  them."  That  the  belt 
since  its  return  had  been  sent  to  the  British  agent,  who 
danced  for  joy  at  seeing  so  many  tribes  had  joined 
against  the  United  States.  That  the  Prophet  had  sent  a 
speech  to  his  confedrates  not  to  be  discouraged  at  the 
apparent  defection  of  some  of  the  tribes  near  him ;  for 
that  it  was  all  a  sham,  intended  to  deceive  the  white 
people ;  that  these  tribes  hated  the  Seventeen  Fires ; 
and  that  though  they  gave  them  sweet  words,  they 
were  like  grass  plucked  up  by  the  roots,  they  would 
soon  wither  and  come  to  nothing.  The  old  Winne 
bago  chief  told  him  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  that  he  him 
self  and  all  the  village  chiefs,  had  been  divested  of  their 
power,  and  that  everything  was  managed  by  the  war 
riors,  who  breathed  nothing  but  war  against  the  Uni 
ted  States.*'7 

Governor  Harrison,  in  his  address  to  the  legislature 
of  Indiana,  in  the  month  of  November  of  this  year, 
refers  to  the  difficulties  with  the  Indians  at  Tippecanoe  ; 
and  bears  testimony  to  the  fact,  that  the  Prophet  and  Te- 
cumseh  were  instigated  to  assume  a  hostile  attitude  to 
wards  the  United  States,  by  British  influence.  He  says, 

"  It  is  with  regret  that  I  have  to  inform  you  that  the 
harmony  and  good  understanding  which  it  is  so  much 
our  interest  to  cultivate  with  our  neighbors,  the  abo 
rigines,  have  for  some  time  past  experienced  consider 
able  interruption,  and  that  we  have  indeed  been  threat 
ened  with  hostilities,  by  a  combination  formed  under 

*  Dawson's  Historical  Narrative. 


132  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

the  auspices  of  a  bold  adventurer,  who  pretends  to  act 
under  the  immediate  inspiration  of  the  Deity.  His 
character  as  a  Prophet  would  not,  however,  have  giv 
en  him  any  very  dangerous  influence,  if  he  had  not 
been  assisted  by  the  intrigues  and  advice  of  foreign 
agents,  and  other  disaffected  persons,  who  have  for 
many  years  omitted  no  opportunity  of  counteracting 
the  measures  of  the  government  with  regard  to  the  In 
dians,  and  filling  their  naturally  jealous  minds  with 
suspicions  of  the  justice  and  integrity  of  our  views  to 
wards  them.77 

That  our  government  was  sincerely  desirous  of  pre 
serving  peace  with  these  disaffected  Indians,  appears 
from  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  the  Secretary 
of  War,  to  governor  Harrison,  written  in  the  autumn 
of  this  year.  "  It  has  occurred  to  me,77  said  the  Secre 
tary,  "  that  the  surest  means  of  securing  good  behavior 
from  this  conspicuous  personage  and  his  brother,  [the 
Prophet  and  Tecumseh]  would  be  to  make  them  pri 
soners  ;  but  at  this  time,  more  particularly,  it  is  desira 
ble  that  peace  with  all  the  Indian  tribes  should  be  pre 
served  ;  and  I  am  instructed  by  the  President  to  express 
to  your  excellency  his  expectations  and  confidence,  that 
in  all  your  arrangements,  this  may  be  considered,  (as  I 
am  confident  it  ever  has  been)  a  primary  object  with 
you.77 

During  the  autumn,  a  Kickapoo  chief  visited  Vin- 
cennes,  and  informed  the  governor  that  the  pacific  pro 
fessions  of  the  Prophet  and  Tecumseh  were  not  to  be 
relied  on, — that  their  ultimate  designs  were  hostile  to 
the  United  States.  At  the  same  time  governor  Clark, 
of  Missouri,  forwarded  to  the  governor  of  Indiana  in 
formation  that  the  Prophet  had  sent  belts  to  the  tribes 
west  of  the  Mississippi,  inviting  them  to  join  in  a  war 
against  the  United  States ;  and,  stating  that  he  would 
commence  the  contest  by  an  attack  on  Vincennes. 
Governor  Clark  further  said,  that  the  Sacs  had  at  length 
joined  the  Tippecanoe  confederacy,  and  that  a  party 
of  them  had  gone  to  Maiden  for  arms  and  ammunition. 
The  Indian  interpreter,  at  Chicago,  also  stated  to  gov 
ernor  Harrison,  that  the  tribes  in  that  quarter  were 
disaffected  towards  the  United  States,  and  seemed  de- 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  133 

termmed  upon  war.  One  of  the  surveyors,  engaged 
to  run  the  lines  of  the  new  purchase,  was  driven  off  the 
lands  by  a  party  of  the  Wea  tribe,  who  took  two  of  his 
men  prisoners:  thus  closed  the  year  1810. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Alarm  on  the  frontier  continues — a  Muskoe  Indian  killed  at  Vincennes — 
governor  Harrison  sends  a  pacific  speech  to  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet 
— the  former  replies  to  it — in  July  Tecumseh  visits  governor  Harrison  at 
Vincennes— disavows  any  intention  of  making  war  upon  the  whites — 
explains  his  object  in  forming  a  union  among  the  tribes — governor  Har 
rison's  opinion  of  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet — murder  of  the  Deaf  Chief 
— Tecumseh  visits  the  southern  Indians. 

THE  spring  of  1811  brought  with  it  no  abatement  of 
these  border  difficulties.  Early  in  the  season,  governor 
Harrison  sent  a  boat  up  the  Wabash,  loaded  with  salt 
for  the  Indians, — that  article  constituting  a  part  of  their 
annuity.  Five  barrels  were  to  be  left  with  the  Pro 
phet,  for  the  Kickapoos  and  Shawanoes.  Upon  the 
arrival  of  the  boat  at  Tippecanoe,  the  Prophet  called  a 
council,  by  which  it  was  decided  to  seize  the  whole  of 
the  salt,  which  was  promptly  done — word  being  sent 
back  to  the  governor,  not  to  be  angry  at  this  measure., 
as  the  Prophet  had  two  thousand  men  to  feed;  and, 
had  not  received  any  salt  for  two  years  past.  There 
were  at  this  time  about  six  hundred  men  at  Tippeca 
noe  ;  and,  Tecumseh,  who  had  been  absent  for  some 
time,  on  a  visit  to  the  lakes,  was  expected  daily,  with 
large  reinforcements.  From  appearances,  it  seemed  pro 
bable  that  an  attack  was  meditated  on  Vincennes  by 
these  brothers,  with  a  force  of  eight  hundred  or  one 
thousand  warriors  ;  a  number  far  greater  than  the  gov 
ernor  could  collect,  even  if  he  embodied  all  the  militia 
for  some  miles  around  that  place.  He  accordingly 
wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  recommending  that  the 
4th  regiment  of  U.  S.  troops,  then  at  Pittsburg,  under 
the  command  of  colonel  Boyd,  should  be  ordered  to 
Vincennes;  at  the  same  time  asking  for  authority  to 

M 


134  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

act  offensively  against  the  Indians,  so  soon  as  it  was 
found  that  the  intentions  of  their  leaders  were  decided 
ly  hostile  towards  the  United  States. 

Under  date  of  June  6th,  governor  Harrison,  in  a  let- 
ter  to  the  war  department,  expresses  the  opinion  that 
the  disposition  of  the  Indians  is  far  from  being  pacific. 
Wells,  the  agent  at  fort  Wayne,  had  visited  the  Pro 
phet's  town,  relative  to  some  stolen  horses,  and  certain 
Potawatamies  who  had  committed  the  murders  on  the 
Mississippi.  Four  of  the  horses  were  recovered,  but 
Tecumseh  disclaimed  all  agency  in  taking  them,  al 
though  he  acknowledged  that  it  was  done  by  some  of 
his  party.  Tecumseh  openly  avowed  to  the  agent  his 
resolute  determination  to  resist  the  further  encroach 
ments  of  the  white  people.  In  this  letter  the  governor 
remarks,  "  I  wish  I  could  say  the  Indians  were  treated 
with  justice  and  propriety  on  all  occasions  by  our  citi 
zens  ;  but  it  is  far  otherwise.  They  are  often  abused 
and  maltreated ;  and  it  is  very  rare  that  they  obtain 
any  satisfaction  for  the  most  unprovoked  wrongs.''  H.Q 
proceeds  to  relate  the  circumstance  of  a  Muskoe  In 
dian  having  been  killed  by  an  Italian  innkeeper,  in  Vin- 
cennes,  without  any  just  cause.  The  murderer,  under 
the  orders  of  the  governor,  was  apprehended,  tried,  but 
acquitted  by  the  jury  almost  without  deliberation. 
About  the  same  time,  within  twenty  miles  of  Vincennes, 
two  Weas  were  badly  wounded  by  a  white  man  with 
out  the  smallest  provocation.  Such  aggressions  tended 
greatly  to  exasperate  the  Indians,  and  to  prevent  them 
from  delivering  up  such  of  their  people  as  committed 
offences  against  the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  Such 
was  the  fact  with  the  Del  a  wares,  upon  a  demand  from 
the  governor  for  White  Turkey,  who  had  robbed  the 
house  of  a  Mr.  Vawter.  The  chiefs  refused  to  surren 
der  him,  declaring  that  they  would  never  deliver  up 
another  man  until  some  of  the  whites  were  punished, 
who  had  murdered  their  people.  They,  however,  pun 
ished  White  Turkey  themselves,  by  putting  him  to 
death. 

On  the  24th  of  June,  soon  after  the  return  of  Tecum 
seh  from  his  visit  to  the  Iroquois  and  Wyandots,  for 
the  purpose  of  increasing  his  confederacy,  governor 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  135 

Harrison  transmitted  to  him  and  the  Prophet,  together 
with  the  other  chiefs  at  Tippecanoe,  the  following 
speech : 

"Brothers, — Listen  to  me.  I  speak  to  you  about 
matters  of  importance,  both  to  the  white  people  and 
yourselves;  open  your  ears,  therefore,  and  attend  to 
what  I  shall  say. 

"  Brothers,  this  is  the  third  year  that  all  the  white 
people  in  this  country  have  been  alarmed  at  your  pro 
ceedings  ;  you  threaten  us  with  war,  you  invite  ail  the 
tribes  to  the  north  and  west  of  you  to  join  against  us. 

"  Brothers,  your  warriors  who  have  lately  been  here, 
deny  this ;  but  I  have  received  the  information  from 
every  direction ;  the  tribes  on  the  Mississippi  have  sent 
me  word  that  you  intended  to  murder  me,  and  then  to 
commence  a  war  upon  our  people.  I  have  also  receiv 
ed  the  speech  you  sent  to  the  Potawatarnies  and  oth 
ers,  to  join  you  for  that  purpose ;  but  if  I  had  no  other 
evidence  of  your  hostility  to  us,  your  seizing  the  salt 
I  lately  sent  up  the  Wabash,  is  sufficient. 

"  Brothers,  our  citizens  are  alarmed,  and  my  warri 
ors  are  preparing  themselves;  not  to  strike  you,  but 
to  defend  themselves  and  their  women  and  children. 
You  shall  riot  surprise  us  as  you  expect  to  do  ;  you  are 
about  to  undertake  a  very  rash  act ;  as  a  friend,  I  ad 
vise  you  to  consider  well  of  it ;  a  little  reflection  may 
save  us  a  great  deal  of  trouble  and  prevent  much  mis 
chief  ;  it  is  not  yet  too  late. 

"  Brothers,  what  can  be  the  inducement  for  you  to 
undertake  an  enterprise  when  there  is  so  little  proba 
bility  of  success  ;  do  you  really  think  that  the  handful 
of  men  that,  you  have  about  you,  are  able  to  contend 
with  the  Seventeen  Fires,  or  even  that  the  whole  of 
the  tribes  united,  could  contend  against  the  Kentucky 
Fire  alone  ? 

"  Brothers,  I  am  myself  of  the  long  knife  fire ;  as 
soon  as  they  hear  my  voice,  you  will  see  them  pouring 
forth  their  swarms  of  hunting  shirt  men,  as  numerous 
as  the  musquetoes  on  the  shores  of  the  Wabash  ;  bro 
thers,  take  care  of  their  stings. 

"  Brothers,  it  is  not  our  wish  to  hurt  you :  if  we  did, 
we  certainly  have  power  to  do  it ;  look  at  the  number 


136  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

of  our  warriors  to  the  east  of  you,  above  and  below 
the  Great  Miami, — to  the  south,  on  both  sides  of  the 
Ohio,  and  below  you  also.  You  are  brave  men  ;  but 
what  could  you  do  against  such  a  multitude  ? — -but  we 
wish  you  to  live  in  peace  and  happiness. 

"  Brothers,  the  citizens  of  this  country  are  alarmed  ; 
they  must  be  satisfied  that  you  have  no  design  to  do 
them  mischief,  or  they  will  not  lay  aside  their  arms. 
You  have  also  insulted  the  government  of  the  United 
States  by  seizing  the  salt  that  was  intended  for  other 
tribes ;  satisfaction  must  be  given  for  that  also. 

"  Brothers,  you  talk  of  coming  to  see  me,  attended 
by  all  your  young  men;  this,  however,  must  not  be 
so  ;  if  your  intentions  are  good,  you  have  no  need  to 
bring  but  a  few  of  your  young  men  with  you.  I  must 
be  plain  with  you ;  I  will  not  surfer  you  to  come  into 
our  settlements  with  such  a  force. 

"  Brothers,  if  you  wish  to  satisfy  us  that  your  inten 
tions  are  good,  follow  the  advice  that  I  have  given  you 
before ;  that  is,  that  one  or  both  of  you  should  visit  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  lay  your  grievan 
ces  before  him.  He  will  treat  you  well,  will  listen  to 
what  you  say,  and  if  you  can  show  him  that  you  have 
been  injured,  you  will  receive  justice.  If  you  will  fol 
low  my  advice  in  this  respect,  it  will  convince  the  citi 
zens  of  this  country  and  myself  that  you  have  no  de 
sign  to  attack  them. 

"  Brothers,  with  respect  to  the  lands  that  were  pur 
chased  last  fall,  I  can  enter  into  no  negotiations  with 
you  on  that  subject ;  the  affair  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
President,  if  you  wish  to  go  and  see  him,  I  will  supply 
you  with  the  means. 

"  Brothers,  the  person  who  delivers  this,  is  one  of  my 
war  officers ;  he  is  a  man  in  whom  I  have  entire  con 
fidence  :  whatever  he  says  to  you,  although  it  may  not 
be  contained  in  this  paper,  you  may  believe  comes 
from  me. 

"  My  friend  Tecumseh!  the  bearer  is  a  good  man  and 
a  brave  warrior;  I  hope  you  will  treat  him  well;  you 
are  yourself  a  warrior,  and  all  such  should  have  esteem 
for  each  other." 

Tecumseh  to  the  governor  of  Indiana,  in  reply : 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  137 

"Brother,  I  give  you  a  few  words  until  I  will  be 
with  you  myself, 

"Brother,  at  Vincennes,  I  wish  you  to  listen  to  me 
whilst  I  send  you  a  few  words,  and.  I  hope  they  will 
ease  your  heart ;  I  know  you  look  on  your  young  men 
and  young  women  and  children  with  pity,  to  see  them 
so  much  alarmed. 

"Brother,  I  wish  you  now  to  examine  what  you 
have  from  me ;  I  hope  that  it  will  be  a  satisfaction  to 
you,  if  your  intentions  are  like  mine,  to  wash  away  all 
these  bad  stories  that  have  been  circulated.  I  will  be 
with  you  myself  in  eighteen  days  from  this  day. 

"  Brother,  we  cannot  say  what  will  become  of  us,  as 
the  Great  Spirit  has  the  management  of  us  all  at  his 
will.  I  may  be  there  before  the  time,  and  may  not  be 
there  until  the  day.  I  hope  that  when  we  come  to 
gether,  all  these  bad  tales  will  be  settled ;  by  this  I  hope 
your  young  men,  women  and  children,  will  be  easy. 
I  wis-h  you,  brother,  to  let  them  know  when  I  come  to 
Vincennes  and  see  you,  all  will  be  settled  in  peace  and 
happiness. 

"Brother,  these  are  only  a  few  words  to  let  you 
know  that  I  will  be  with  you  myself,  and  when  I  am 
with  you  I  can  inform  you  better. 

"  Brother,  if  I  find  that  I  can  be  with  you  in  less 
time  than  eighteen  days,  I  will  send  one  of  my  young 
men  before  me,  to  let  you  know  what  time  I  will  be 
with  you." 

On  the  second  of  July,  governor  Harrison  received 
information  from  the  executive  of  Illinois,  that  several 
murders  had  been  committed  in  that  territory;  and 
that  there  were  good  grounds  for  believing  these  crimes 
had  been  perpetrated  by  a  party  of  Shawanoes.  The 
governor  had  been  previously  informed  that  it  was  the 
design  of  the  Prophet  to  commence  hostilities  in  Illi 
nois,  in  order  to  cover  his  main  object — the  attack  on 
Vincennes.  Both  territories  were  in  a  state  of  great 
alarm;  and  the  Secretary  of  War  was  officially  notified, 
that  if  the  general  government  did  not  take  measures 
to  protect  the  inhabitants,  they  were  determined  to  pro 
tect  themselves. 

In  a  letter  under  date  of  Vincennes,  10th  July,  1811, 
M  2 


138  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

governor  Harrison  writes  as  follows  to  the  Secretary 
of  War. 

"  Captain  Wilson,  the  officer  whom  I  sent  to  the  Pro 
phet's  town,  returned  on  Sunday  last.  He  was  well  re 
ceived,  and  treated  with  particular  friendship  by  Tecum- 
seh.  He  obtained,  however,  no  satisfaction.  The  only 
answer  given  was,  that  in  eighteen  days  Tecumseh 
would  pay  me  a  visit  for  the  purpose  of  explaining  his 
conduct.  Upon  being  told  that  I  would  not  suffer  him 
to  come  with  so  large  a  force,  he  promised  to  bring 
with  him  a  few  men  only.  I  shall  not,  however,  de 
pend  upon  this  promise,  but  shall  have  the  river  well 
watched  by  a  party  of  scouts  after  the  descent  of  the 
chief,  lest  he  should  be  followed  by  his  warriors.  I  do 
not  think  that  this  will  be  the  case.  The  detection  of 
the  hostile  designs  of  an  Indian,  is  generally  (for  that 
time)  to  defeat  them.  The  hopes  of  an  expedition, 
conducted  through  many  hundred  miles  of  toil  and  dif 
ficulty,  are  abandoned  frequently,  upon  the  slightest 
suspicion;  their  painful  steps  retraced,  and  a  more 
favorable  moment  expected.  With  them  the  surprise 
of  an  enemy  bestows  more  eclat  upon  a  warrior  than 
the  most  brilliant  success  obtained  by  other  means. 
Tecumseh  has  taken  for  his  model  the  celebrated  Pon- 
tiac,  and  I  am  persuaded  he  will  bear  a  favorable  com 
parison,  in  every  respect,  with  that  far  famed  warrior. 
If  it  is  his  object  to  begin  with  the  surprise  of  this 
place,  it  is  impossible  that  a  more  favorable  situation 
could  have  been  chosen,  than  the  one  he  occupies :  it 
is  just  so  far  off  as  to  be  removed  from  immediate  ob 
servation,  and  yet  so  near  as  to  enable  him  to  strike 
us,  when  the  water  is  high,  in  twenty-four  hours,  and 
even  when  it  is  low,  their  light  canoes  will  come  fully 
as  fast  as  the  journey  could  be  performed  on  horse 
back.  The  situation  is  in  other  respects  admirable  for 
the  purposes  for  which  he  has  chosen  it.  It  is  nearly 
central  with  regard  to  the  tribes  which  he  wishes  to 
unite.  The  water  communication  with  lake  Erie,  by 
means  of  the  Wabash  and  Miami — with  lake  Michigan 
and  the  Illinois,  by  the  Tippecanoe,  is  a  great  conve 
nience.  It  is  immediately  in  the  centre  of  the  back 
jne  of  that  fine  country  which  he  wishes  to  prevent  us 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  139 

from  settling — and  above  all,  he  has  immediately  in  his 
rear  a  country  that  has  been  but  little  explored,  con 
sisting  principally  of  barren  thickets,  interspersed  with 
swamps  and  lakes,  into  which  our  cavalry  could  not 
penetrate,  and  our  infantry,  only  by  slow,  laborious 
efforts." 

The  promised  visit  of  Tecumseh  took  place  in  the 
latter  part  of  July.  He  reached  Vincennes  on  the  27th, 
attended  by  about  three  hundred  of  his  party,  of  whom 
thirty  were  women  and  children.  The  council  was 
opened  on  the  30th,  in  an  arbor  erected  for  the  purpose, 
and  at  the  appointed  time  the  chief  made  his  appear 
ance,  attended  by  about  one  hundred  and  seventy  war 
riors,  without  guns,  but  all  of  them  having  knives  and 
tomahawks,  or  war  clubs,  and  some  armed  with  bows 
and  arrows.  The  governor,  in  opening  the  council, 
made  reference  to  the  late  murders  in  Illinois,  and  the 
alarm  which  the  appearance  of  Tecumseh,  with  so 
large  an  armed  force,  had  created  among  the  people  on 
the  Wabash.  He  further  informed  Tecumseh  that, 
whilst  he  listened  to  whatever  himself  or  any  of  the 
chiefs  had  to  say  in  regard  to  the  late  purchase  of  land, 
he  would  enter  into  no  negociation  on  that  subject,  as 
it  was  now  in  the  hands  of  the  President.  The  gover 
nor,  after  telling  Tecumseh  that  he  was  at  liberty  to 
visit  the  President,  and  hear  his  decision  from  his  own 
mouth,  adverted  to  the  late  seizure  of  the  salt,  and  de 
manded  an  explanation  of  it.  In  reply,  the  chief  ad 
mitted  the  seizure,  but  said  he  was  not  at  home,  either 
this  spring  or  the  year  before,  when  the  salt  boats  arri 
ved;  that  it  seemed  impossible  to  please  the  governor: 
last  year  he  was  angry,  because  the  salt  was  refused, 
and  this  year  equally  so,  because  it  was  taken.  The 
council  was  then  adjourned  until  the  following  day. 
When  it  was  again  opened,  a  Wea  chief  made  a  long 
speech,  giving  the  history  of  all  the  treaties  which  had 
been  made  by  the  governor  and  the  Indian  tribes ;  and 
concluded  with  the  remark,  that  he  had  been  told  that 
the  Miami  chiefs  had  been  forced  by  the  Potawatamies 
to  accede  to  the  treaty  of  fort  Wayne ;  and  that  it 
would  be  proper  to  institute  enquiries  to  find  out  the 
person  who  had  held  the  tomahawk  over  their  heads, 


140  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

and  punish  him.  This  statement  was  immediately  con 
tradicted  by  the  governor,  and  also  by  the  Miami  chiefs 
who  were  present.  Anxious  to  bring  the  conference  to 
a  close,  the  governor  then  told  Tecumseh  that  by  deliv 
ering  up  the  two  Potawatamies  who  had  murdered  the 
four  white  men  on  the  Missouri,  last  fall,  he  Avould  at 
once  attest  the  sincerity  of  his  professions  of  friendship 
to  the  United  States,  and  his  desire  to  preserve  peace. 
His  reply  was  evasive,  but  developed  very  clearly  his 
designs.  After  much  trouble  and  difficulty  he  had  in 
duced,  he  said,  all  the  northern  tribes  to  unite,  and 
place  themselves  under  his  direction;  that  the  white 
people  were  unnecessarily  alarmed  at  his  measures, 
which  really  meant  nothing  but  peace ;  that  the  United 
States  had  set  him  the  example  of  forming  a  strict 
union  amongst  all  the  Fires  that  compose  their  confed 
eracy  ;  that  the  Indians  did  not  complain  of  it,  nor 
should  his  white  brothers  complain  of  him  for  doing 
the  same  thing  in  regard  to  the  Indian  tribes ;  that  so 
soon  as  the  council  was  over,  he  was  to  set  out  on  a 
visit  to  the  southern  tribes,  to  prevail  upon  them  to 
unite  with  those  of  the  north.  As  to  the  murderers, 
they  were  not  at  his  town,  and  if  they  were,  he  could 
not  deliver  them  up  ;  that  they  ought  to  be  forgiven,  as 
well  as  those  who  had  committed  some  murders  in  Il 
linois  ;  that  he  had  set  the  whites  an  example  of  the 
forgiveness  of  injuries  which  they  ought  to  follow.  In 
reply  to  an  enquiry  on  the  subject,  he  said  he  hoped  no 
attempt  would  be  made  to  settle  the  new  purchase,  be 
fore  his  return  next  spring;  that  a  great  number  of 
Indians  were  coming  to  settle  at  Tippecanoe  in  the  au 
tumn,  and  they  would  need  that  tract  as  a  hunting 
ground,  and  if  they  did  no  further  injury,  they  might 
kill  the  cattle  and  hogs  of  the  white  people,  which 
would  create  disturbances ;  that  he  wished  every  thing 
to  remain  in  its  present  situation  until  his  return,  when 
he  would  visit  the  President,  and  settle  all  difficulties 
with  him.  The  governor  made  a  brief  reply,  saying, 
that  the  moon  which  they  beheld  (it  was  then  night) 
would  sooner  fall  to  the  earth,  than  the  President  would 
suffer  his  people  to  be  murdered  with  impunity ;  and 
that  he  would  put  his  warriors  in  petticoats,  sooner 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  141 

than  he  would  give  up  a  country  which  he  had  fairly 
acquired  from  the  rightful  owners.  Here  the  council 
terminated.  In  a  day  or  two  afterwards,  attended  by 
twenty  warriors,  Tecumseh  set  off  for  the  south,  on  a 
visit  to  the  Creeks  and  Choctaws.  The  governor  was 
at  a  loss  to  determine  the  object  of  Tecumseh,  in  taking 
with  him  to  Vincennes,  so  large  a  body  of  his  follow 
ers.  The  spies  said  that  he  intended  to  demand  a 
retrocession  of  the  late  purchase,  and  if  it  was  not  ob 
tained,  to  seize  some  of  the  chiefs  who  were  active 
m  making  the  treaty,  in  presence  of  the  governor,  and 
put  them  to  death ;  and  in  case  of  his  interference,  to 
have  subjected  him  to  the  same  fate.  Many  of  the 
neutral  Indians  entertained  the  opinion  that  he  medita 
ted  an  attack  upon  Vincennes.  If  such  was  the  case, 
his  plan  was  probably  changed  by  observing  the  vigi 
lance  of  governor  Harrison  and  the  display  of  seven  or 
eight  hundred  men  under  arms.  It  is  questionable, 
however,  we  think,  whether  Tecumseh  really  medita 
ted  violence  at  this  time.  He  probably  wished  to  im 
press  the  whites  with  an  idea  of  his  strength,  and  at  the 
same  time  gratify  his  ambition  of  moving,  as  a  great 
chieftain,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  retinue  of  warriors. 

The  clay  after  the  close  of  this  council,  the  governor 
wrote  to  the  War  Department.  The  following  is  a  part 
of  his  communication. 

"  My  letter  of  yesterday  will  inform  you  of  the  arri 
val  and  departure  of  Tecumseh  from  this  place,  and  of 
the  route  which  he  has  taken.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
his  object  is  to  excite  the  southern  Indians  to  war 
against  us.  His  mother  was  of  the  Creek  nation,  and 
he  builds  much  upon  that  circumstance  towards  for 
warding  his  views.  I  do  not  think  there  is  any  danger 
of  further  hostility  until  he  returns  :  and  his  absence 
affords  a  most  favorable  opportunity  for  breaking  up 
his  confederacy,  and  I  have  some  expectations  of  being 
able  to  accomplish  it  without  a  recourse  to  actual  hos 
tility.  Tecumseh  assigned  the  next  spring  as  the  pe 
riod  of  his  return.  I  am  informed,  however,  that  he 
will  be  back  in  three  months.  There  is  a  Potawata- 
mie  chief  here,  who  says  he  was  present  when  the 
message  from  the  British  agent  was  delivered  to  the 


142  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

Prophet,  telling  him  that  the  time  had  arrived  for  tak 
ing  up  arms,  and  inviting  him  to  send  a  party  to  Mai 
den,  to  receive  the  necessary  supplies.  This  man  is 
one  of  the  few  who  preserve  their  independence. 

"  The  implicit  obedience  and  respect  which  the  fol 
lowers  of  Tecumseh  pay  to  him,  is  really  astonishing, 
and  more  than  any  other  circumstance  bespeaks  him 
one  of  those  uncommon  geniuses  which  spring  up 
occasionally  to  produce  revolutions,  and  overturn  the 
established  order  of  things.  If  it  were  not  for  the 
vicinity  of  the  United  States,  he  would,  perhaps,  be  the 
founder  of  an  empire  that  would  rival  in  glory  Mexico 
or  Peru.  No  difficulties  deter  him.  For  four  years  he 
has  been  in  constant  motion.  You  see  him  to-day  on 
the  Wabash,  and  in  a  short  time  hear  of  him  on  the 
shores  of  lake  Erie  or  Michigan,  or  on  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi ;  and  wherever  he  goes  he  makes  an  im 
pression  favorable  to  his  purposes.  He  is  now  upon 
the  last  round  to  put  a  finishing  stroke  to  his  work.  I 
hope,  however,  before  his  return  that  that  part  of  the 
fabric  which  he  considered  complete,  will  be  demolish 
ed,  and  even  its  foundations  rooted  up:  Although  the 
greater  part  of  his  followers  are  attached  to  him  from 
principle  and  affection,  there  are  many  others  who  fol 
low  him  through  fear ;  and  he  was  scarcely  a  mile 
from  town,  before  they  indulged  in  the  most  virulent 
invectives  against  him.  The  Prophet  is  impudent 
and  audacious,  but  is  deficient  in  judgment,  talents  and 
firmness. " 

The  following  anecdote  illustrates  the  coolness  and 
self-possession  of  Tecumseh,  not  less  than  the  implicit 
obedience  that  was  paid  to  his  commands  by  his  fol 
lowers. 

A  Potawatamie,  called  the  Deaf  Chief,  was  present 
at  the  late  council.  After  it  was  closed,  he  stated  to 
the  governor,  that  had  he  been  called  upon  during  the 
conference  he  would  have  confronted  Tecumseh,  when 
he  denied  that  his  intentions  towards  the  United  States 
were  hostile.  This  declaration  having  been  repeated 
to  Tecumseh,  he  calmly  intimated  to  the  Prophet,  that 
upon  their  return  to  Tippecanoe,  the  Deaf  Chief  must 
be  disposed  of.  A  friend  of  the  latter  informed  him  of 


5LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  143 

his  danger,  but  the  chief,  not  at  all  intimidated,  return 
ed  to  his  camp,  put  on  his  war-dress,  and  equipping 
himself  with  his  rifle,  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife, 
returned  and  presented  himself  before  Tecumseh,  who 
was  then  in  company  with  Mr.  Baron,  the  governor's 
interpreter.  The  Deaf  Chief  there  reproached  Tecum 
seh  for  having  ordered  him  to  be  killed,  declaring  that 
it  was  an  act  unworthy  of  a  warrior.  «  But  here  I  am 
now,"  said  he,  "come  and  kill  me."  Tecumseh  mak 
ing  no  answer,  the  Potawatamie  heaped  upon  him 
every  term  of  abuse  and  contumely,  and  finally  charg 
ed  him  with  being  the  slave  of  the  red-coats,  (the  Bri 
tish.)  Tecumseh,  perfectly  unmoved,  made  no  reply, 
but  continued  his  conversation  with  Mr.  Baron,  until 
the  Deaf  Chief,  wearied  with  the  effort  to  provoke  his 
antagonist  to  action,  returned  to  his  camp.  There  is 
some  reason  for  believing  that  the  Prophet  did  not  dis 
obey  his  orders  :  the  Deaf  Chief  was  never  seen  again 
at  Vincennes. 

Of  the  result  of  the  mission  of  Tecumseh  to  the 
southern  tribes,  we  have  no  detailed  information, 
Hodgson,  who  subsequently  travelled  through  this 
country,  in  his  "  Letters  from  North  America,"  says  : 

"  Our  host  told  me  that  he  was  living  with  his  In 
dian  wife  among  the  Creeks,  when  the  celebrated  In 
dian  warrior  Tecumseh,  came  more  than  one  thousand 
miles,  from  the  borders  of  Canada,  to  induce  the  lower 
Creeks,  to  promise  to  take  up  the  hatchet  in  behalf  of 
Ihe  British,  against  the  Americans,  and  the  upper 
Creeks  whenever  he  should  require  it :  that  he  was 
present  at  the  midnight  convocation  of  the  chiefs, 
which  was  held  on  that  occasion,  and  which  termina 
ted  after  a  most  impressive  speech  from  Tecumseh 
with  a  unanimous  determination  to  take  up  the  hatchet 
whenever  he  should  call  upon  them.  This  was  at  least 
a  year  before  the  declaration  of  the  last  war." 

In  the  "History  of  the  Tribes  of  North  America," 
there  is  an  interesting  notice  of  this  visit  of  Tecum 
seh, 

"  The  following  remarkable  circumstance  may  serve 
;o  illustrate  the  penetration,  decision  and  boldness  of 
.his  warrior  chief.  He  had  been  south,  to  Florida,  and 


144  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

succeeded  in  instigating  the  Seminoles  in  particular, 
and  portions  of  other  tribes,  to  unite  in  the  war  on  the 
side  of  the  British.  He  gave  out  that  a  vessel,  on  a 
certain  day,  commanded  by  red-coats,  would  be  off 
Florida,  filled  with  guns  and  ammunition,  and  supplies 
for  the  use  of  the  Indians.  That  no  mistake  might 
happen  in  regard  to  the  day  on  which  the  Indians  were 
to  strike,  he  prepared  bundles  of  sticks,  each  bundle 
containing  the  number  of  sticks  corresponding  to  the 
number  of  days  that  were  to  intervene  between  tbr 
day  on  which  they  were  received,  and  the  day  of  the 
general  onset.  The  Indian  practice  is  to  throw  away 
a  stick  every  morning ;  they  make,,  therefore,  no  mis 
take  in  the  time.  These  sticks  Tecumseh  caused  to  be 
painted  red.  It  was  from  this  circumstance  that  in  the 
former  Seminole  war,  these  Indians  were  called  "  Red 
Sticks.'5  In  all  this  business  of  mustering  the  tribes, 
he  used  great  caution  ;  he  supposed  enquiry  would  be 
made  as  to  the  object  of  his  visit ;  that  his  plans  might 
not  be  suspected,  he  directed  the  Indians  to  reply  to 
any  questions  that  might  be  asked  about  him,  by 
saying,  that  he  had  counselled  them  to  cultivate  the 
ground,  abstain  from  ardent  spirits,  and  live  in  peace 
with  the  white  people.  On  his  return  from  Florida,  he 
went  among  the  Creeks  in  Alabama,  urging  them  to 
unite  with  the  Seminoles.  Arriving  at  Tuckhabatchee, 
a  Creek  town  on  the  Tallapoosa  river,  he  made  his  way 
to  the  lodge  of  the  chief  called  the  Big  Warrior.  He 
explained  his  object,  delivered  his  war-talk,  presented 
a  bundle  of  sticks,  gave  a  piece  of  wampum  and  a 
hatchet ;  all  which  the  Big  Warrior  took.  When  Te 
cumseh,  reading  the  intentions  and  spirit  of  the  Big 
Warrior,  looked  him  in  the  eye,  and  pointing  his  finger 
towards  his  face,  said :  "  Your  blood  is  white :  you 
have  taken  my  talk,  and  the  sticks,  and  the  wampum, 
and  the  hatchet,  but  you  do  not  mean  to  fight:  I  know 
the  reason :  you  do  not  believe  the  Great  Spirit  has  sent 
me:  you  shall  know:  I  leave  Tuckhabatchee  directly, 
and  shall  go  straight  to  Detroit :  when  I  arrive  there,  1 
will  stamp  on  the  ground  with  my  foot,  and  shake 
down  every  house  in  Tuckhabatchee."  So  saying,  he 
turned  and  left  the  Big  Warrior  in  utter  amazement,  at 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  145 

both  his  manner  and  his  threat,  and  pursued  his  jour 
ney.  The  Indians  were  struck  no  less  with  his  con 
duct  than  was  the  Big  Warrior,  and  began  to  dread  the 
arrival  of  the  day  when  the  threatened  calamity  would 
befal  them.  They  met  often  and  talked  over  this  mat 
ter,  and  counted  the  days  carefully,  to  know  the  time 
when  Tecumseh  would  reach  Detroit.  The  morning 
they  had  fixed  upon,  as  the  period  of  his  arrival,  at  last 
came.  A  mighty  rumbling  was  heard — the  Indians  all 
ran  out  of  their  houses — the  earth  began  to  shake ; 
when  at  last,  sure  enough,  every  house  in  Tuckha- 
batchee  was  shaken  down !  The  exclamation  was  in 
every  mouth,  "Tecumseh  has  got  to  Detroit!"  The 
effect  was  electrical.  The  message  he  had  delivered  to 
the  Big  Warrior  was  believed,  and  many  of  the  Indians 
took  their  rifles  and  prepared  for  the  war. 

"  The  reader  will  not  be  surprised  to  learn,  that  an 
earthquake  had  produced  all  this;  but  he  will  be, 
doubtless,  that  it  should  happen  on  the  very  day  on 
which  Tecurnseh  arrived  at  Detroit ;  and,  in  exact  ful 
filment  of  his  threat.  It  was  the  famous  earthquake 
of  New  Madrid,  on  the  Mississippi.  We  received  the 
foregoing  from  the  lips  of  the  Indians,  when  we  were 
at  Tuckhabatchee,  in  1827,  and  near  the  residence  of 
the  Big  Warrior.  The  anecdote  may  therefore  be  re 
lied  on.  Tecumseh's  object,  doubtless,  was,  on  seeing 
that  he  had  failed,  by  the  usual  appeal  to  the  passions, 
and  hopes,  and  war  spirit  of  the  Indians,  to  alarm  their 
fears,  little  dreaming,  himself,  that  on  the  day  named, 
his  threat  would  be  executed  with  such  punctuality 
and  terrible  fidelity/' 


N 


146  LIFE    OP    TEOUMSEH. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Governor  Harrison  applies  to  the  War  Department  for  troops  to  maintain 
peace  on  the  frontiers — battle  of  Tippecanoe  on  the  7th  of  November- 
its  influence  on  the  Prophet  and  his  followers. 

THE  late  council  at  Vincennes  having  failed  in  pro 
ducing  any  satisfactory  results,  and  Tecumseh  having 
gone  to  the  south  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  extending 
his  confederacy,  the  alarm  among  the  inhabitants  of 
Indiana  continued  to  increase.  Public  meetings  were 
held,  and  memorials  forwarded  to  the  President,  invo 
king  protection,  and  requesting  the  removal  of  the  In 
dians  from  the  Prophet's  town;  the  memorialists  be 
ing  "  fully  convinced  that  the  formation  of  this  combi 
nation,  headed  by  the  Shawanoe  Prophet,  was  a  Bri 
tish  scheme,  and  that  the  agents  of  that  power  were 
constantly  exciting  the  Indians  to  hostility  against  the 
United  States/'  The  President  accordingly  placed  the 
4th  regiment  U.  S.  infantry,  commanded  by  colonel 
Boyd,  and  a  company  of  riflemen,  at  the  disposal  of 
governor  Harrison.  The  Secretary  of  War,  under  date 
of  20th  October,  1811,  in  a  letter  to  him,  says:  "I  have 
been  particularly  instructed  by  the  President  to  com 
municate  to  your  excellency,  his  earnest  desire  that 
peace  may,  if  possible,  be  preserved  with  the  Indians  ; 
and  that  to  this  end,  every  proper  means  may  be  adopt 
ed.  By  this,  it  is  not  intended  that  murder  or  robbe 
ries  committed  by  them,  should  not  meet  with  the 
punishment  due  to  those  crimes ;  that  the  settlements 
should  be  unprotected,  or  that  any  hostile  combination 
should  avail  itself  of  success,  in  consequence  of  a  ne 
glect  to  provide  the  means  of  resisting  and  defeating  it ; 
or  that  the  banditti  under  the  Prophet  should  not  be 
attacked  and  vanquished,  provided  such  a  measure 
should  be  rendered  absolutely  necessary.  Circumstan 
ces  conspire,  at  this  particular  juncture,  to  render  it  pe 
culiarly  desirable  that  hostilities  of  any  kind,  or  to  any 
degree,  not  indispensably  required,  should  be  avoided." 

On  the  seventh  of  August  the  governor  informed  the 
secretary  that  he  should  call,  in  a  peremptory  mariner, 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  147 

on  all  the  tribes,  to  deliver  up  such  of  their  people  as  had 
been  concerned  in  the  murder  of  our  citizens ;  that  from 
the  Miamis  he  should  require  an  absolute  disavowal  of 
all  connection  with  the  Prophet;  and  that  to  all  the 
Tribes  he  would  repeat  the  declaration,  that  the  United 
States  have  manifested  through  a  series  of  years,  the 
utmost  justice  and  generosity  towards  their  Indian 
neighbors ;  and  have  not  only  fulfilled  all  the  engage 
ments  which  they  entered  into  with  them,  but  have 
spent  considerable  sums  to  civilize  them  and  promote 
their  happiness  ;  but  if,  under  those  circumstances,  any 
tribe  should  dare  to  take  up  the  tomahawk  against 
their  fathers,  they  must  not  expect  the  same  lenity  that 
had  been  shown  them  at  the  close  of  the  former  war, 
but  that  they  would  either  be  exterminated  or  driven 
beyond  the  Mississippi. 

In  furtherance  of  this  plan,  the  governor  forwarded 
speeches  to  the  different  tribes,  and  instructed  the  Indi 
an  agents  to  use  all  possible  means  to  recall  them  to  a 
sense  of  duty.  He  also  wrote  to  the  governors  of  Illi 
nois  and  Missouri,  on  the  subject  of  the  border  difficul 
ties,  in  the  hope  that  a  general  and  simultaneous  effort 
might  avert  an  appeal  to  arms. 

In  the  month  of  September,  the  Prophet  sent  assu 
rances  to  governor  Harrison  of  his  pacific  intentions, 
and  that  his  demands  should  be  complied  with;  but 
about  the  same  time  some  horses  were  stolen  in  the 
neighborhood  of  his  town,  and  the  whites  who  went  in 
pursuit  of  them  were  fired  upon  by  the  Indians.  Early 
in  October  the  governor  moved,  with  a  considerable 
body  of  troops,  towards  the  Prophet's  town,  with  the 
expectation  that  a  show  of  hostile  measures  would 
bring  about  an  accommodation  with  the  Indians  of  that 
place.  On  the  10th  of  October,  one  of  the  sentinels 
around  his  camp  was  fired  on  by  the  Indians,  and  se- 
veiely  wounded.  About  the  same  time  the  Prophet 
sent  a  messenger  to  the  chiefs  of  the  Delaware  tribe, 
who  were  friendly  to  the  United  States,  requiring  them 
to  say  whether  they  would  or  would  not  join  him  in 
the  war  against  them ;  that  he  had  taken-  up  the  toma 
hawk  and  would  not  lay  it  down  but  with  his  life,  un 
less  their  wrongs  were  redressed.  The  Delaware  chiefs 


148  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

immediately  visited  the  Prophet,  for  the  purpose  of 
dissuading  him  from  commencing  hostilities.  Under 
these  circumstances  there  seemed  to  be  no  alternative 
for  governor  Harrison,  but  to  break  up  the  Prophet's 
establishment.  On  the  27th,  the  Ifelaware  chiefs  re 
turned  to  the  camp  of  the  governor,  and  reported  that 
the  Prophet  would  not  listen  to  their  council,  and  had 
grossly  insulted  them.  While  at  the  Prophet's  town, 
the  Indians  who  had  wounded  the  sentinel,  returned. 
They  were  Shawanoes  and  near  friends  of  the  Prophet, 
who  was  daily  practising  certain  pretended  rites,  by 
means  of  which  he  played  upon  the  superstitious  feel 
ings  of  his  followers,  and  kept  them  in  a  state  of  fever 
ish  excitement.  On  the  29th,  a  body  of  twenty-four 
Miami  chiefs  were  sent  by  governor  Harrison,  to  make 
another  effort  with  the  Prophet.  They  were  instructed 
to  require  that  the  Winnebagoes,  Potawatamies  and 
Kickapoos,  should  leave  him  and  return  to  their  respec 
tive  tribes;  that  all  the  stolen  horses  in  their  posses 
sion  should  be  delivered  up  ;  that  the  murderers  of  the 
whites  should  either  be  surrendered  or  satisfactory 
proof  offered  that  they  were  not  under  his  control. 
These  chiefs,  however,  did  not  return,  and  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  they  were  induced  to  join  the 
confederacy  at  Tippecanoe. 

On  the  5th  of  November,  L811,  governor  Harrison, 
with  about  nine  hundred  effective  troops,  composed  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  4th  regiment  U.  S.  infant 
ry,  one  hundred  and  thirty  volunteers,  and  a  body  of  mi 
litia,  encamped  within  ten  miles  of  the  Prophet's  town. 
On  the  next  day,  when  the  army  was  within  five  miles 
of  the  village,  reconnoitering  parties  of  the  Indians  were 
seen,  but  they  refused  to  hold  any  conversation  with 
the  interpreters  sent  forward  by  the  governor  to  open  a 
communication  with  them.  When  within  a  mile  and 
a  half  of  the  town  a  halt  was  made,  for  the  purpose  of 
encamping  for  the  night.  Several  of  the  field  officers 
urged  the  governor  to  make  an  immediate  assault  on 
the  village ;  but  this  he  declined,  as  his  instructions  from 
the  President  were  positive,  not  to  attack  the  Indians, 
as  long  as  there  was  a  probability  of  their  complying 
with  the  demands  of  government.  Upon  ascertaining, 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  149 

however,  that  the  ground  continued  favorable  for  the 
disposition  of  his  troops,  quite  up  to  the  town,  he  de 
termined  to  approach  still  nearer  to  it.  In  the  mean 
time,  captain  Dubois,  with  an  interpreter,  was  sent  for 
ward  to  ascertain  whether  the  Prophet  would  comply 
with  the  terms  proposed  by  the  governor.  The  Indi 
ans,  however,  would  make  no  reply  to  these  enquiries, 
but  endeavored  to  cut  off  the  messengers  from  the 
army.  When  this  fact  was  reported  to  the  governor, 
he  determined  to  consider  the  Indians  as  enemies,  and 
at  once  march  upon  their  town.  He  had  proceeded 
but  a  short  distance,  however,  before  he  was  met  by 
three  Indians,  one  of  them  a  principal  counsellor  to  the 
Prophet,  who  stated  that  they  were  sent  to  know  why 
the  army  was  marching  upon  their  town — that  the 
Prophet  was  desirous  of  avoiding  hostilities — that  he 
had  sent  a  pacific  message  to  governor  Harrison  by  the 
Miami  and  Potawatamie  chiefs,  but  that  those  chiefs 
had  unfortunately  gone  down  on  the  south  side  of  the 
Wabash,  and  had  thus  failed  to  meet  him.  According 
ly,  a  suspension  of  hostilities  was  agreed  upon,  and  the 
terms  of  peace  were  to  be  settled  on  the  following 
morning  by  the  governor  and  the  chiefs.  In  moving 
the  army  towards  the  Wabash,  to  encamp  for  the  night, 
the  Indians  became  again  alarmed,  supposing  that  an 
attack  was  about  to  be  made  on  the  town,  notwith 
standing  the  armistice  which  had  just  been  concluded. 
They  accordingly  began  to  prepare  for  defence,  and 
some  of  them  sallied  out,  calling  upon  the  advanced 
corps,  to  halt,  The  governor  immediately  rode  for 
ward,  and  assured  the  Indians  that  it  was  not  his  in 
tention  to  attack  them,  but  that  he  was  only  in  search 
of  a  suitable  piece  of  ground  on  which  to  encamp  his 
troops.  He  enquired  if  there  was  any  other  water 
convenient  besides  that  which  the  river  afforded ;  and 
an  Indian,  with  whom  he  was  well  acquainted,  an 
swered,  that  the  creek  which  had  been  crossed  two 
miles  back,  ran  through  the  prairie  to  the  north  of  the 
village.  A  halt  was  then  ordered,  and  majors  Piatt, 
Clark  and  Taylor,  were  sent  to  examine  this  creek,  as 
well  as  the  river  above  the  town,  to  ascertain  the  cor 
rectness  of  the  information,  and  decide  on  the  best 
N  2 


150  LIFE    OF    TECTJMSEH. 

ground  for  an  encampment.  In  the  course  of  half  ac 
hour,  the  two  latter  reported  that  they  had  found  on 
the  creek,  every  thing  that  could  be  desirable  in  an  en 
campment — an  elevated  spot,  nearly  surrounded  by  an 
open  prairie^  with  water  convenient,  and  a  sufficiency 
of  wood  for  fuel."*  The  army  was  now  marched  to 
this  spot,  and  encamped  "  on  a  dry  piece  of  ground, 
which  rose  about  ten  feet  above  the  level  of  a  marshy 
prairie  in  front  towards  the  town;  and,  about  twice  as 
high  above  a  similar  prairie  in  the  rear ;  through  which, 
near  the  foot  of  the  hill,  ran  a  small  stream  clothed 
with  willows  and  brush-wood.  On  the  left  of  the  en 
campment,  this  bench  of  land  became  wider;  on  the 
right,  it  gradually  narrowed,  and  terminated  in  an  ab 
rupt  point,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  the 
right  bank."t 

The  encampment  was  about  three-fourths  of  a  mile 
from  the  Prophet's  town;  and  orders  were  given,  in 
the  event  of  a  night  attack,  for  each  corps  to  maintain 
its  position,  at  all  hazards,  until  relieved  or  further 
orders  were  given  to  it.  The  whole  army  was  kept 
during  the  night,  in  the  military  position  which  is  cal 
led,  lying  on  their  arms.  The  regular  troops  lay  in 
their  tents,  with  their  accoutrements  on,  and  their  arms 
by  their  sides.  The  militia  had  no  tents,  but  slept  with 
their  clothes  and  pouches  on,  and  their  guns  under 
them,  to  keep  them  dry.  The  order  of  the  encamp 
ment  was  the  order  of  battle,  for  a  night  attack;  and  as 
every  man  slept  opposite  to  his  post  in  the  line,  there 
was  nothing  for  the  troops  to  do,  in  case  of  an  assault, 
but  to  rise  and  take  their  position  a  few  steps  in  the 
rear  of  the  fires  around  which  they  had  reposed.  The 
guard  of  the  night  consisted  of  two  captain's  commands 
of  forty-two  men,  and  four  non-commissioned  officers 
each ;  and  two  subaltern's  guards  of  twenty  men  and 
non-commissioned  officers  each — the  whole  amounting 
to  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  men,  under  the  com 
mand  of  a  field  officer  of  the  day.  The  night  was  dark 
and  cloudy,  and  after  midnight  there  was  a  drizzling 
rain.  It  was  not  anticipated  by  the  governor  or  his  of- 

*  M'Afee's  History  of  the  Late  War.  f  Ibid, 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  151 

ticers,  that  an  attack  would  be  made  during  the  night:  it 
was  supposed  that  if  the  Indians  had  intended  to  act  of 
fensively,  it  would  have  been  done  on  the  march  of  the 
army,  where  situations  presented  themselves  that  would 
have  given  the  Indians  a  great  advantage.  Indeed, 
within  three  miles  of  the  town,  the  army  had  passed 
over  ground  so  broken  and  unfavorable  to  its  march, 
that  the  position  of  the  troops  was  necessarily  changed 7 
several  times,  in  the  course  of  a  mile.  The  enemy, 
moreover,  had  fortified  their  town  with  care  and  great 
labor,  as  if  they  intended  to  act  alone  on  the  defensive. 
It  was  a  favorite  spot  with  the  Indians,  having  long 
been  the  scene  of  those  mysterious  rites,  performed  by 
their  Prophet,  and  by  which  they  had  been  taught  to 
believe  that  it  was  impregnable  to  the  assaults  of  the 
white  man. 

At  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  7th,  governor 
Harrison,  according  to  his  practice,  had  risen,  prepara 
tory  to  the  calling  up  the  troops;  and  was  engaged, 
while  drawing  on  his  boots  by  the  fire,  in  conversation 
with  general  Wells,  colonel  Owen,  and  majors  Taylor 
and  Hurst.  The  orderly-drum  had  been  roused  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  the  signal  for  the  troops  to  turn  out, 
when  the  attack  of  the  Indians  suddenly  commenced 
upon  the  left  flank  of  the  camp.  The  whole  army 
was  instantly  on  its  feet ;  the  camp-fires  were  extin 
guished  ;  the  governor  mounted  his  horse  and  proceed 
ed  to  the  point  of  attack.  Several  of  the  companies 
had  taken  their  places  in  the  line  within  forty  seconds 
from  the  report  of  the  first  gun  ;  and  the  whole  of  the 
troops  were  prepared  for  action  in  the  course  of  two 
minutes ;  a  fact  as  creditable  to  their  own  activity  and 
bravery,  as  to  the  skill  and  energy  of  their  officers.  The 
battle  soon  became  general,  and  was  maintained  on 
both  sides  with  signal  and  even  desperate  valor.  The 
Indians  advanced  and  retreated  by  the  aid  of  a  rattling 
noise,  made  with  deer  hoofs,  and  persevered  in  their 
treacherous  attack  with  an  apparent  determination  to 
conquer  or  die  upon  the  spot.  The  battle  raged  with  un 
abated  fury  and  mutual  slaughter,  until  daylight,  when  a 
gallant  and  successful  charge  by  our  troops,  drove  the 
enemy  into  the  swamp,  and  put  an  end  to  the  conflict, 


152  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

Prior  to  the  assault,  the  Prophet  had  given  assuran 
ces  to  his  followers,  that  in  the  coming  contest,  the 
Great  Spirit  would  render  the  arms  of  the  Americans 
unavailing;  that  their  bullets  would  fall  harmless  at 
the  feet  of  the  Indians  ;  that  the  latter  should  have  light 
in  abundance,  while  the  former  would  be  involved  in 
thick  darkness.  Availing  himself  of  the  privilege  con 
ferred  by  his  peculiar  office,  and,  perhaps,  unwilling  in 
his  own  person  to  attest  at  once  the  rival  powers  of  a 
sham  prophecy  and  a  real  American  bullet,  he  pru 
dently  took  a  position  on  an  adjacent  eminence ;  and, 
when  the  action  began,  he  entered  upon  the  perform 
ance  of  certain  mystic  rites,  at  the  same  time  singing  a 
war-song.  In  the  course  of  the  engagement,  he  was 
informed  that  his  men  were  falling:  he  told  them  to 
fight  on, — it  would  soon  be  as  he  had  predicted ;  and 
then,  in  louder  and  wilder  strains,  his  inspiring  battle- 
song  was  heard  commingling  with  the  sharp  crack  of 
the  rifle  and  the  shrill  war-whoop  of  his  brave  but  de 
luded  followers. 

Throughout  the  action,  the  Indians  manifested  more 
boldness  and  perseverance  than  had,  perhaps,  ever 
been  exhibited  by  them  on  any  former  occasion.  This 
was  owing,  it  is  supposd,  to  the  influence  of  the  Pro 
phet,  who  by  the  aid  of  his  incantations  had  inspired 
them  with  a  belief  that  they  would  certainly  overcome 
their  enemy  :  the  supposition,  likewise,  that  they  had 
taken  the  governor's  army  by  surprise,  doubtless  con 
tributed  to  the  desperate  character  of  their  assaults. 
They  were  commanded  by  some  daring  chiefs,  and  al 
though  their  spiritual  leader  was  not  actually  in  the 
battle,  he  did  much  to  encourage  his  followers  in  their 
gallant  attack.  Of  the  force  of  the  Indians  engaged, 
there  is  no  certain  account.  The  ordinary  number  at 
the  Prophet's  town  during  the  preceding  summer,  was 
four  hundred  and  fifty;  but  a  few  days  before  the 
action,  they  had  been  joined  by  all  the  Kickapoos  of 
the  prairie,  and  by  several  bands  of  the  Potawatamies, 
from  the  Illinois  river,  and  the  St.  Joseph's  of  lake 
Michigan.  Their  number  on  the  night  of  the  engage 
ment  was  probably  between  eight  hundred  and  one 
thousand.  Some  of  the  Indians  who  were  in  the  ac~ 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  153 

tiou,  subsequently  informed  the  agent  at  fort  Wayne, 
that  there  were  more  than  a  thousand  warriors  in  the 
battle,  and  that  the  number  of  wounded  was  unusu 
ally  great.  In  the  precipitation  of  their  retreat,  they 
left  thirty-eight  on  the  field ;  some  were  buried  during 
the  engagement  in  their  town,  others  no  doubt  died 
subsequently  of  their  wounds.  The  whole  number  of 
their  killed,  was  probably  not  less  than  fifty. 

Of  the  army  under  governor  Harrison,  thirty-five 
were  killed  in  the  action,  and  twenty -five  died  subse 
quently  of  their  wounds :  the  total  number  of  killed  and 
wounded  was  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight.  Among 
the  former  were  the  lamented  colonel  Abraham  Owen 
and  major  Joseph  Hamilton  Davies,  of  Kentucky. 

Both  officers  and  men  behaved  with  much  coolness 
and  bravery, — qualities  which,  in  an  eminent  degree, 
marked  the  conduct  of  governor  Harrison  throughout 
the  engagement.  The  peril  to  which  he  was  subjected 
may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  a  ball  passed  through 
his  stock,  slightly  bruising  his  neck  ;  another  struck  his 
saddle,  and  glancing  hit  his  thigh  ;  and  a  third  wound 
ed  the  horse  on  which  he  was  riding. 

Peace  on  the  frontiers  was  one  of  the  happy  results 
of  this  severe  and  brilliant  action.  The  tribes  which 
had  already  joined  in  the  confederacy  were  dismayed ; 
and  those  which  had  remained  neutral  now  decided 
against  it. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Tecumseh  returns  from  the  south — proposes  to  visit,  the  President,  but  de 
clines,  because  not  permitted  to  go  to  Washington  at  the  head  of  a  par 
ty — attends  a  council  at  fort  Wayne — proceeds  to  Maiden  and  joins  the 
British — governor  Harrison's  letter  to  the  War  Department  relative  to 
the  north-west  tribes. 

DURING  the  two  succeeding  days,  the  victorious  ar 
my  remained  in  camp,  for  the  purpose  of  burying  the 
dead  and  taking  care  of  the  wounded.  In  the  mean 
time,  colonel  Wells,  with  the  mounted  riflemen,  visited 
the  Prophet's  town,  and  found  it  deserted  by  all  the 


154  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

Indians  except  one,  whose  leg  had  been  broken  in  the 
action.  The  houses  were  mostly  burnt,  and  the  corn 
around  the  village  destroyed.  On  the  ninth  the  army 
commenced  its  return  to  Vincennes,  having  broken  up 
or  committed  to  the  flames  all  their  unnecessary  bag 
gage,  in  order  that  the  wagons  might  be  used  for  the 
transportation  of  the  wounded. 

The  defeated  Indians  were  greatly  exasperated  with 
the  Prophet :  they  reproached  him  in  bitter  terms  for 
the  calamity  he  had  brought  upon  them,  and  accused 
him  of  the  murder  of  their  friends  who  had  fallen  in  the 
action.  It  seems,  that  after  pronouncing  some  incanta 
tions  over  a  certain  composition,  which  he  had  prepa 
red  on  the  night  preceding  the  action,  he  assured  his 
followers,  that  by  the  power  of  his  art,  half  of  the  inva 
ding  army  was  already  dead,  and  the  other  half  in  a 
state  of  distraction  ;  and  that  the  Indians  would  have 
little  to  do  but  rush  into  their  camp,  and  complete  the 
work  of  destruction  with  their  tomahawks.  "  You  are 
a  liar/7  said  one  of  the  surviving  Winnebagoes  to  him, 
after  the  action,  "  for  you  told  us  that  the  white  people 
were  dead  or  crazy,  when  they  were  all  in  their  senses 
and  fought  like  the  devil."  The  Prophet  appeared  de 
jected,  and  sought  to  excuse  himself  on  the  plea  that, 
the  virtue  of  his  composition  had  been  lost  by  a  cir 
cumstance  of  which  he  had  no  knowledge  until  after 
the  battle  was  over.  His  sacred  character,  however, 
was  so  far  forfeited,  that  the  Indians  actually  bound  him 
with  cords,  and  threatened  to  put  him  to  death.  After 
leaving  the  Prophet's  town,  they  marched  about  twen 
ty  miles  and  encamped  on  the  bank  of  Wild  Cat  creek. 

In  a  letter  to  the  war  department,  dated  fourth  of 
December,  governor  Harrison  writes : 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  two  principal 
chiefs  of  the  Kickapoos  of  the  prairie,  arrived  here, 
bearing  a  flag,  on  the  evening  before. last.  The  ac 
count  which  they  give  of  the  late  confederacy  under  the 
Prophet,  is  as  follows  :  The  Prophet,  with  his  Shawa- 
noes,  is  at  a  small  Huron  village,  about  twelve  miles 
frc  m  his  former  residence,  on  this  side  of  the  Wabash, 
where  also  were  twelve  or  fifteen  Hurons.  The  Kick 
apoos  are  encamped  near  the  Tippecanoe,  the  Pota- 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  155 

watamies  have  scattered  and  gone  to  different  villages 
of  that  tribe.  The  Winnebagoes  had  all  set  out  on 
their  return  to  their  own  country,  excepting  one  chief 
and  nine  men,  who  remained  at  their  former  villages. 
The  Prophet  had  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Kickapoos  of 
the  prairie  to  request  that  he  might  be  permitted  to  re 
tire  to  their  town.  This  was  positively  refused,  and  a 
warning  sent  to  him  not  to  come  there.  These  chiefs 
say  that  the  whole  of  the  tribes  who  lost  warriors  in 
the  late  action,  attribute  their  misfortune  to  the  Pro 
phet  alone;  that  they  constantly  reproach  him  with  their 
misfortunes,  and  threaten  him  with  death;  that  they 
are  all  desirous  of  making  their  peace  with  the  United 
States,  and  will  send  deputations  to  me  for  that  pur 
pose,  as  soon  as  they  are  informed  that  they  will  be 
well  received.  They  further  say,  that  the  Prophet's 
followers  were  fully  impressed  with  a  belief  that  they 
could  defeat  us  with  ease ;  that  it  was  their  intention 
to  have  attacked  us  at  fort  Harrison,  if  we  had  gone  no 
higher ;  that  Racoon  creek  was  then  fixed  on,  and 
finally  Pine  creek,  and  that  the  latter  would  probably 
have  been  the  place,  if  the  usual  route  had  not  been 
abandoned,  and  a  crossing  made  higher  up ;  that  the 
attack  made  on  our  sentinels  at  fort  Harrison  was  in 
tended  to  shut  the  door  against  accommodation;  that 
the  Winnebagoes  had  forty  warriors  killed  in  the  ac 
tion,  and  the  Kickapoos  eleven,  and  ten  wounded. 
They  have  never  heard  how  many  of  the  Potawata- 
mies  and  other  tribes  were  killed." 

With  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  the  Prophet  lost  his 
popularity  and  power  among  the  Indians.  His  magic 
wand  was  broken,  and  the  mysterious  charm  by  means 
of  which  he  had  for  years,  played  upon  the  supersti 
tious  minds  of  this  wild  people,  scattered  through  a 
vast  extent  of  country,  was  dissipated  forever.  It  was 
not  alone  to  the  character  of  his  prophetic  office  that  he 
was  indebted  for  his  influence  over  his  followers.  The 
position  which  he  maintained  in  regard  to  the  Indian 
lands,  and  the  encroachments  of  the  white  people  upon 
their  hunting  grounds,  increased  his  popularity,  which 
was  likewise  greatly  strengthened  by  the  respect  and 
deference  with  which  the  politic  Tecumseh — the  mas- 


156  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

ter  spirit  of  his  day — uniformly  treated  him.  He  had, 
moreover,  nimble  wit,  quickness  of  apprehension,  much 
cunning  and  a  captivating  eloquence  of  speech.  These 
qualities  fitted  him  for  playing  his  part  with  great  sue 
cess ;  and  sustaining  for  a  series  of  years,  the  character 
of  one  inspired  by  the  Great  Spirit.  He  was,  however, 
rash,  presumptuous  and  deficient  in  judgment.  And 
no  sooner  was  he  left  without  the  sagacious  counsel  and 
positive  control  of  Tecumseh,  than  he  foolishly  annihi 
lated  his  own  power,  and  suddenly  crushed  the  grand 
confederacy  upon  which  he  and  his  brother  had  ex 
pended  years  of  labor,  and  in  the  organization  of  which 
they  had  incurred  much  personal  peril  and  endured 
great  privation. 

Tecumseh  returned  from  the  south  through  Missouri, 
visited  the  tribes  on  the  Des  Moins,  and  crossing  the 
head  waters  of  the  Illinois,  reached  the  Wabash  a  few 
days  after  the  disastrous  battle  of  Tippecanoe.  It  is 
believed  that  he  made  a  strong  impression  upon  all  the 
tribes  visited  by  him  in  his  extended  mission ;  and  that 
he  had  laid  the  foundation  of  numerous  accessions  to 
his  confederacy.  He  reached  the  banks  of  the  Tippe 
canoe,  just  in  time  to  witness  the  dispersion  of  his  fol 
lowers,  the  disgrace  of  his  brother,  and  the  final  over 
throw  of  the  great  object  of  his  ambition,  a  union  of 
all  the  Indian  tribes  against  the  United  States  :  and  all 
this,  the  result  of  a  disregard  to  his  positive  commands. 
His  mortification  was  extreme ;  and  it  is  related  on 
good  authority,  that  when  he  first  met  the  Prophet,  he 
reproached  him  in  bitter  terms  for  having  departed 
from  his  instructions  to  preserve  peace  with  the  United 
States  at  all  hazards.  The  attempt  of  the  Prophet  to 
palliate  his  own  conduct,  excited  the  haughty  chieftain 
still  more,  and  seizing  him  by  the  hair  and  shaking 
him  violently,  he  threatened  to  take  his  life. 

During  the  ensuing  winter,  there  was  peace  on  the 
frontiers.  In  the  month  of  January,  1812,  Little  Tur 
tle,  the  celebrated  Miami  chief,  wrote  to  governor  Har 
rison,  that  all  the  Prophet's  followers  had  left  him, 
except  two  camps  of  his  own  tribe,  and  that  Tecumseh 
had  just  joined  him  with  only  eight  men;  from  which 
he  concluded  there  was  no  present  danger  to  be  appre- 


^IFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  157 

bended  from  them.  Shortly  afterwards,  Tecumseh 
sent  a  message  to  governor  Harrison  informing  him  of 
his  return  from  the  south ;  and  that  he  was  now  ready 
to  make  the  promised  visit  to  the  President.  The  go 
vernor  replied,  giving  his  permission  for  Tecumseh  to 
go  to  Washington,  but  not  as  the  leader  of  any  party 
of  Indians.  The  chieftain,  who  had  been  accustomed 
to  make  his  visits  to  Vincennes,  attended  by  three  or 
four  hundred  warriors,  all  completely  armed,  did  not 
choose  to  present  himself  to  his  great  father,  the  Presi 
dent,  shorn  of  his  power  and  without  his  retinue.  The 
visit  was  declined,  and  here  terminated  the  intercourse 
between  him  and  governor  Harrison. 

Early  in  March,  the  peace  of  the  frontiers  was  again 
disturbed  by  Indian  depredations ;  and  in  the  course  of 
this  and  the  following  month,  several  families  were 
murdered  on  the  Wabash  and  Ohio  rivers.  On  the 
15th  of  May,  there  was  a  grand  council  held  at  Missis- 
siniway,  which  was  attended  by  twelve  tribes  of  Indi 
ans.  They  all  professed  to  be  in  favor  of  peace,  and 
condemned  the  disturbances  which  had  occurred  be 
tween  the  Indians  and  the  settlers,  since  the  battle  of 
Tippecanoe.  Tecumseh  was  present  at  this  council 
and  spoke  several  times.  He  defied  any  living  crea 
ture  to  say  that  he  had  ever  advised  any  one,  directly 
or  indirectly,  to  make  war  upon  the  whites :  it  had 
constantly  been  his  misfortune,  he  said,  to  have  his 
views  misrepresented  to  his  white  brethren,  and  this 
had  been  done  by  pretended  chiefs  of  the  Potawata- 
mies,  who  had  been  in  the  habit  of  selling  land  to  the 
white  people,  which  did  not  belong  to  them.  "  Gover 
nor  Harrison,"  he  continued,  "  made  war  on  my  peo 
ple  in  my  absence  :  it  was  the  will  of  God  that  he 
should  do  so.  We  hope  it  will  please  God  that  the 
white  people  will  let  us  live  in  peace.  We  will  not 
disturb  them,  neither  have  we  done  it,  except  when 
they  came  to  our  village  with  the  intention  of  destroy 
ing  us.  We  are  happy  to  state  to  our  brothers  present, 
that  the  unfortunate  transaction  that  took  place  be 
tween  the  white  people  and  a  few  of  our  young  men 
at  our  village,  has  been  settled  between  us  and  gover 
nor  Harrison ;  and  I  will  further  state,  that  had  I  been 

0 


158  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

at  home,  there  would  have  been  no  bloodshed  at  that 
time." 

In  the  month  of  June,  following  this  council,  Te- 
cumseh  made  a  visit  to  fort  Wayne,  and  sought  an 
interview  with  the  Indian  agent  at  that  place.  Mis 
fortune  had  not  subdued  his  haughty  spirit  nor  silenced 
the  fearless  expression  of  his  feelings  and  opinions. 
He  still  maintained  the  justice  of  his  position  in  regard 
to  the  ownership  of  the  Indian  lands,  disavowed  any 
intention  of  making  war  upon  the  United  States, 
and  reproached  governor  Harrison  for  having  marched 
against  his  people  during  his  absence.  The  agent  made 
a  long  speech  to  him,  presenting  reasons  why  he  should 
now  become  the  friend  and  ally  of  the  United  States. 
To  this  harangue,  Tecumseh  listened  with  frigid  indif 
ference,  made  a  few  general  remarks  in  reply,  and  then 
with  a  haughty  air,  left  the  council-house,  and  took  his 
departure  for  Maiden,  where  he  joined  the  British  stand 
ard. 

In  taking  leave  of  that  part  of  our  subject  which 
relates  to  the  confederacy  of  Tecumseh  and  the  Pro 
phet,  and  the  principle  on  which  it  was  established,  we 
quote,  as  relevant  to  the  case,  and  as  an  interesting 
piece  of  general  history,  the  following  letter  from  go 
vernor  Harrison  to  the  Secretary  of  War  : 

«  Cincinnati,  March  22,  1814. 
« Sir, — The  tribes  of  Indians  on  this  frontier  and 
east  of  the  Mississippi,  with  whom  the  United  States 
have  been  connected  by  treaty,  are  the  Wyandots,  Del- 
awares,  Shawanoes,  Miamis,  Potawatainies,  Ottawas, 
Chippewas,  Piankashaws,  Kaskaskias  and  Sacs.  All 
but  the  two  last  were  in  the  confederacy  which  carried 
on  the  former  Indian  war  against  the  United  States, 
that  was  terminated  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville.  The 
Kaskaskias  were  parties  to  the  treaty,  but  they  had  not 
been  in  the  war.  The  Wyandots  are  admitted  by  the 
others  to  be  the  leading  tribe.  They  hold  the  grand 
calumet  which  unites  them  and  kindles  the  council 
fire.  This  tribe  is  nearly  equally  divided  between  the 
Crane,  at  Sandusky,  who  is  the  grand  sachem  of  the 
nation,  and  Walk-in-the- Water,  at  Brownstown,  near 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  159 

Detroit.  They  claim  the  lands  bounded  by  the  settle 
ments  of  this  state,  southwardly  and  eastwardly ;  and 
by  lake  Erie,  the  Miami  river,  and  the  claim  of  the 
Shawanoes  upon  the  Auglaize,  a  branch  of  the  latter. 
They  also  claim  the  lands  they  live  on  near  Detroit, 
but  I  am  ignorant  to  what  extent. 

"The  Wyandots  of  Sandusky  have  adhered  to  us 
through  the  war.  Their  chief,  the  Crane,  is  a  venera 
ble,  intelligent  and  upright  man.  Within  the  tract  of 
land  claimed  by  the  Wyandots,  a  number  of  Senecas 
are  settled.  They  broke  off  from  their  own  tribe  six 
or  eight  years  ago,  but  received  a  part  of  the  annuity 
granted  that  tribe  by  the  United  States,  by  sending  a 
deputation  for  it  to  Buffalo.  The  claim  of  the  Wyan 
dots  to  the  lands  they  occupy,  is  not  disputed,  that  I 
know  of,  by  any  other  tribe.  Their  residence  on  it, 
however,  is  not  of  long  standing,  and  the  country  was 
certainly  once  the  property  of  the  Miamis. 

"Passing  westwardly  from  the  Wyandots,  we  meet 
with  the  Shawanoe  settlement  at  Stony  creek,  a  branch 
of  the  Great  Miami,  and  at  Wapauckanata,  on  the  Au 
glaize.  These  settlements  were  made  immediately  af 
ter  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  and  with  the  consent  of  the 
Miamis,  whom  I  consider  the  real  owners  of  these 
lands.  The  chiefs  of  this  band  of  Shawanoes,  Black- 
hoof,  Wolf  and  Lewis,  are  attached  to  us  from  prin 
ciple  as  well  as  interest — they  are  all  honest  men. 

"The  Miamis  have  their  principal  settlement  at  the 
forks  of  the  Wabash,  thirty  miles  from  fort  Wayne ; 
and  at  Mississinaway,  thirty  miles  lower  down.  A 
band  of  them  under  the  name  of  Weas,  have  resided 
on  the  Wabash,  sixty  miles  above  Vincennes;  and 
another  under  the  Turtle  on  Eel  river,  a  branch  of  the 
Wabash,  twenty  miles  north-west  of  fort  Wayne.  By 
an  artifice  of  Little  Turtle,  these  three  bands  were 
passed  on  general  Wayne  as  distinct  tribes,  and  an  an 
nuity  granted  to  each.  The  Eel  river  and  Weas,  how 
ever,  to  this  day  call  themselves  Miamis,  and  are  re 
cognized  as  such  by  the  Mississinaway  band.  The 
Miamis,  Maumees  or  Tewicktowes,  are  the  undoubted 
proprietors  of  all  that  beautiful  country  which  is  water 
ed  by  the  Wabash  and  its  branches ;  and  there  is  as 


160  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

little  doubt  that  their  claim  extended  at  least  as  far  east 
as  the  Scioto.  They  have  no  tradition  of  removing 
from  any  other  quarter  of  the  country ;  whereas  all  the 
neighboring  tribes,  the  Piankishaws  excepted,  who  are 
a  branch  of  the  Miamis,  are  either  intruders  upon  them, 
or  have  been  permitted  to  settle  in  their  country.  The 
Wyandots  emigrated  first  from  lake  Ontario,  and  sub 
sequently  from  lake  Huron — the  Delawares  from  Penn 
sylvania  and  Maryland — the  Shawanoes  from  Georgia 
— the  Kickapoos  and  Potawatamies  from  the  country 
between  lake  Michigan  and  the  Mississippi — and  the 
Ottawas  and  Chippewas  from  the  peninsula  formed 
by  lakes  Michigan,  Huron  and  St.  Clair,  and  the  strait 
connecting  the  latter  with  Erie.  The  claims  of  the 
Miamis  were  bounded  on  the  north  and  west  by  those 
of  the  Illinois  confederacy,  consisting  originally  of  five 
tribes,  called  Kaskaskias,  Cahokias,  Peorians,  Michi- 
ganians,  and  Temorais,  speaking  the  Miami  language, 
and  no  doubt  branches  of  that  nation. 

"When  I  was  first  appointed  governor  of  Indiana 
territory,  these  once  powerful  tribes  were  reduced  to 
about  thirty  warriors,  of  whom  twenty -five  were  Kas 
kaskias,  four  Peorians,  and  a  single  Michiganian.  There 
was  an  individual  lately  alive  at  St.  Louis,  who  saw 
the  enumeration  made  of  them  by  the  Jesuits  in  the 
year  1745,  making  the  number  of  their  warriors  four 
thousand.  A  furious  war  between  them  and  the  Sacs 
and  Kickapoos,  reduced  them  to  that  miserable  rem 
nant,  which  had  taken  refuge  amongst  the  white  people 
of  the  towns  of  Kaskaskias  and  St.  Genevieve.  The 
Kickapoos  had  fixed  their  principal  village  at  Peoria, 
upon  the  south  bank  of  the  Illinois  river,  while  the 
Sacs  remained  masters  of  the  country  to  the  north. 

"  During  the  war  of  our  Revolution,  the  Miamis  had 
invited  the  Kickapoos  into  their  country  to  assist  them 
against  the  whites,  and  a  considerable  village  was  form 
ed  by  that  tribe  on  Vermillion  river,  near  its  junction 
with  the  Wabash.  After  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  the 
Delawares  had,  with  the  approbation  of  the  Miamis, 
removed  from  the  mouth  of  the  Auglaize  to  the  head 
waters  of  White  river,  a  large  branch  of  the  Wabash 
— and  the  Potawatamies,  without  their  consent,  had 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  161 

formed  two  villages  upon  the  latter  river,  one  at  Tip- 
pecanoe,  and  the  other  at  Chippoy,  twenty-five  miles 
below. 

"  The  Piankishaws  lived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Vin- 
cennes,  which  was  their  ancient  village,  and  claimed 
the  lands  to  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash,  and  to  the  north 
and  west  as  far  as  the  Kaskaskias  claimed.  Such  was 
the  situation  of  the  tribes,  when  I  received  instructions 
from  President  Jefferson,  shortly  after  his  first  election, 
to  make  efforts  for  extinguishing  the  Indian  claims 
upon  the  Ohio,  below  the  mouth  of  the  Kentucky  river, 
and  to  such  other  tracts  as  were  necessary  to  connect 
and  consolidate  our  settlements.  It  was  at  once  deter 
mined,  that  the  community  of  interests  in  the  lands 
amongst  the  Indian  tribes,  which  seemed  to  be  recog 
nized  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  should  be  objected 
to ;  and  that  each  individual  ,tribe  should  be  protected 
in  every  claim  that  should  appear  to  be  founded  in 
reason  and  justice.  Bat  it  was  also  determined,  that 
as  a  measure  of  policy  and  liberality,  such  tribes  as 
lived  upon  any  tract  of  land  which  it  would  be  desira 
ble  to  purchase,  should  receive  a  portion  of  the  com 
pensation,  although  the  title  might  be  exclusively  in 
another  tribe.  Upon  this  principle  the  Delawares, 
Shawanoes,  Potawatamies,  and  Kickapoos,  were  ad 
mitted  as  parties  to  several  of  the  treaties.  Care  was 
taken,  however,  to  place  the  title  to  such  tracts  as  might 
be  desirable  to  purchase  hereafter,  upon  a  footing  that 
would  facilitate  the  procuring  of  them,  by  getting  the 
tribes  who  had  no  claim  themselves,  and  who  might 
probably  interfere,  to  recognize  the  titles  of  those  who 
were  ascertained  to  possess  them. 

"This  was  particularly  the  case  with  regard  to  the 
lands  watered  by  the  Wabash,  which  were  declared  to 
be  the  property  of  the  Miamis,  with  the  exception  of 
the  tract  occupied  by  the  Delawares  on  White  river, 
which  was  to  be  considered  the  joint  property  of  them 
and  the  Miamis.  This  arrangement  was  very  much 
disliked  by  Tecumseh,  and  the  banditti  that  he  had  as 
sembled  at  Tippecanoe.  He  complained  loudly,  as 
well  of  the  sales  that  had  been  made,  as  of  the  princi 
ple  of  considering  a  particular  tribe  as  the  exclusive 
o  2 


162  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

proprietors  of  any  part  of  the  country,  which  he  said 
the  Great  Spirit  had  given  to  all  his  red  children.  Be 
sides  the  disaffected  amongst  the  neighboring  tribes,  he 
had  brought  together  a  considerable  number  of  Winne- 
bagoes  and  Folsovoins,  from  the  neighborhood  of  Green 
Bay,  Sacs  from  the  Mississippi,  and  some  Ottawas  and 
Chippewas  from  Abercrosh  on  lake  Michigan.  These 
people  were  better  pleased  with  the  climate  arid  coun 
try  of  the  Wabash,  than  with  that  they  had  left. 

"  The  Miamis  resisted  the  pretensions  of  Tecumseh 
and  his  followers  for  some  time ;  but  a  system  of  terror 
was  adopted,  and  the  young  men  were  seduced  by 
eternally  placing  before  them  a  picture  of  labor,  and 
restriction  as  to  hunting,  to  which  the  system  adopted 
would  inevitably  lead.  The  Potawatamies  and  other 
tribes  inhabiting  the  Illinois  river  and  south  of  lake 
Michigan,  had  been  for  a  long  time  approaching  gradu 
ally  towards  the  Wabash.  Their  country,  which  was 
never  abundantly  stocked  with  game,  was  latterly  al 
most  exhausted  of  it.  The  fertile  regions  of  the  Wa 
bash  still  afforded  it.  It  was  represented,  that  the  pro 
gressive  settlements  of  the  whites  upon  that  river, 
would  soon  deprive  them  of  their  only  resource,  and 
indeed  would  force  the  Indians  of  that  river  upon  them 
who  were  already  half  starved. 

"  It  is  a  fact,  that  for  many  years  the  current  of  emi 
gration,  as  to  the  tribes  east  of  the  Mississippi,  has  been 
from  north  to  south.  This  is  owing  to  two  causes;  the 
diminution  of  those  animals  from  which  the  Indians 
procure  their  support ;  arid  the  pressure  of  the  two 
great  tribes,  the  Chippewas  and  Sioux,  to  the  north 
and  west.  So  long  ago  as  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  the 
Potawatamies  gave  notice  to  the  Miamis,  that  they 
intended  to  settle  upon  the  Wabash.  They  made  no 
pretensions  to  the  country,  and  their  only  excuse  for 
the  intended  aggression  was,  that  they  were  "  tired  of 
eating  fish  and  wanted  meat."  It  has  already  been 
observed  that  the  Sacs  had  extended  themselves  to  the 
Illinois  river,  and  that  the  settlements  of  the  Kickapoos 
at  the  Peorias  was  of  modern  date.  Previously  to  the 
commencement  of  the  present  war,  a  considerable  num 
ber  had  joined  their  brethren  on  the  Wabash.  The 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  163 

Tawas  from  the  Des  Moins  river,  have  twice  made  at 
tempts  to  get  a  footing  there. 

*  *  *  *  *  •* 

"The  question  of  the  title  to  the  lands  south  of  the 
Wabash,  has  been  thoroughly  examined  ;  every  oppor 
tunity  was  afforded  to  Tecumseh  and  his  party  to  ex 
hibit  their  pretensions,  and  they  were  found  to  rest 
upon  no  other  basis  than  that  of  their  being  the  com 
mon  property  of  all  the  Indians.  The  Potawatamies 
and  Kickapoos  have  unequivocally  acknowledged  the 
Miami  and  Delaware  titles." 


CHAPTER  XL 

Tecumseh  participates  in  the  battle  of  Brownstown — commands  the  Indi 
ans  in  the  action  near  Maguaga — present  at  Hull's  surrender — general 
Brock  presents  him  his  military  sash — attack  on  Chicago  brought  about 
by  Tecumseh. 

ON  the  18th  of  June,  1812,  the  congress  of  the  United 
States  made  a  formal  declaration  of  war  against  Great 
Britain.  This  gave  a  new  aspect  to  affairs  on  the 
north-western  frontier ;  and  at  the  first  commencement 
of  hostilities  between  these  two  powers,  Tecumseh  was 
in  the  field,  prepared  for  the  conflict.  In  the  month  of 
July,  when  general  Hull  crossed  over  from  Detroit  into 
Canada,  this  chief,  with  a  party  of  thirty  Potawatamies 
and  Shawanoes,  was  at  Maiden.  About  the  same  time 
there  was  an  assemblage  at  Brownstown,  opposite  to 
Maiden,  of  those  Indians  who  were  inclined  to  neu 
trality  in  the  war.  A  deputation  was  sent  to  the  latter 
place,  inviting  Tecumseh  to  attend  this  council.  "No," 
said  he,  indignantly,  "  I  have  taken  sides  with  the 
King,  my  father,  and  I  will  suffer  my  bones  to  bleach 
upon  this  shore,  before  I  will  recross  that  stream  to 
join  in  any  council  of  neutrality."  In  a  few  days  he 
gave  evidence  of  the  sincerity  of  this  declaration,  by 
personally  commanding  the  Indians  in  the  first  action 
that  ensued  after  the  declaration  of  war.* 

*  Anthony  Shane. 


164  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

Early  in  August,  general  Hull,  then  in  Detroit,  was 
notified  by  express  that  a  company  of  Ohio  volunteers, 
under  the  command  of  captain  Henry  Brush,  with  pro 
visions  for  the  army,  were  near  the  river  Raisin,  and 
needed  an  escort,  as  it  had  been  ascertained  that  some 
British  and  a  considerable  body  of  Indians,  under  the 
command  of  Tecumseh,  had  crossed  from  Maiden  to 
Brownstown,  with  a  view  to  intercept  this  convoy. 
General  Hull,  after  some  delay,  gave  a  reluctant  con 
sent  to  the  colonels  of  the  Ohio  militia,  that  a  detach 
ment  of  troops  might  march  to  the  relief  of  colonel 
Brush.  Major  Van  Home,  with  a  small  body  of  men, 
started  as  an  escort  to  the  mail,  with  orders  to  join  cap 
tain  Brush  at  the  river  Raisin.  He  set  off  on  the  fourth 
of  August,  marching  that  evening  as  far  as  the  river 
De  Corce.  On  the  next  day,  captain  McCullough  of 
the  spies,  was  killed  by  some  Indians.  In  the  course 
of  the  succeeding  one,  near  Brownstown,  the  detach 
ment  under  major  Van  Home  was  suddenly  attacked 
by  the  Indians,  who  were  lying  in  ambush.  Appre 
hensive  of  being  surrounded  and  entirely  cut  off,  thg 
major  ordered  a  retreat,  which  was  continued  to  the 
river  De  Corce,  the  enemy  pursuing  them  to  that  point. 
Our  loss  was  seventeen  killed,  besides  several  wounded, 
who  were  left  behind.  Among  the  former  were  cap 
tains  Ulry,  Gilchrist,  Boersler,  lieutenant  Pents,  and 
ensign  Ruby.  The  loss  of  so  many  officers  resulted 
from  their  attempts  to  rally  the  men.  The  loss  of  the 
enemy  was  supposed  to  be  equal  to  that  sustained  by 
major  Van  Home.  There  were  about  forty  British 
soldiers  and  seventy  Indians  in  this  engagement,  the 
latter  being  commanded  by  Tecumseh  in  person. 

After  general  Hull  had  ingloriously  retreated  from 
Canada,  he  detached  colonel  Miller,  with  majors  Van 
Home  and  Morrison,  and  a  body  of  troops,  amounting 
to  six  hundred,  to  make  a  second  effort  to  reach  cap 
tain  Brush.  They  were  attended  by  some  artillerists 
with  one  six  pounder  and  a  howitzer.  The  detach 
ment  marched  from  Detroit  on  the  eighth,  and  in  the 
afternoon  of  the  ninth  the  front  guard,  commanded  by 
captain  Snelling,  was  fired  upon  by  a  line  of  British 
and  Indians,  about  two  miles  below  the  village  of  Ma- 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH,  165 

guaga.  At  the  moment  of  the  attack,  the  main  body 
was  marching  in  two  lines,  and  captain  Snelling  main 
tained  his  position  in  a  gallant  manner,  until  the  line 
was  formed  and  marched  to  the  ground  he  occupied, 
where  the  whole,  except  the  rear  guard,  was  brought 
into  action.  The  British  were  entrenched  behind  a 
breast-work  of  logs,  with  the  Indians  on  the  left  cover 
ed  by  a  thick  wood.  Colonel  Miller  ordered  his  whole 
line  to  advance,  and  when  within  a  short  distance  of 
the  enemy,  fired  upon  them,  and  immediately  followed 
it  up  by  a  charge  with  fixed  bayonets,  when  the  whole 
British  line  and  the  Indians  commenced  a  retreat. 
They  were  vigorously  pursued  for  near  two  miles. 
The  Indians  on  the  left  were  commanded  by  Tecurri- 
seh,  and  fought  with  great  bravery,  but  were  forced  to 
retreat.  Our  loss  in  this  severe  and  well  fought  action 
was  ten  killed  and  thirty-two  wounded  of  the  regular 
troops,  and  eight  killed  and  twenty-eight  wounded  of 
the  Ohio  and  Michigan  militia.  The  full  extent  of  the 
force  of  the  enemy  is  not  known.  There  were  four 
hundred  regulars  and  Canadian  militia,  under  com 
mand  of  major  Muir,  and  a  considerable  body  of  In 
dians  under  Tecumseh.  Forty  of  the  latter  were  found 
dead  on  the  field  :  fifteen  of  the  British  regulars  were 
killed  and  wounded,  and  four  taken  prisoners.  The  loss 
of  the  Canadian  militia  and  volunteers,  was  never  as 
certained,  but  is  supposed,  from  the  position  which  they 
occupied  in  the  action,  to  have  been  considerable. 
Both  major  Muir  and  Tecumseh  were  wounded.  The 
bravery  and  good  conduct  of  the  latter,  in  this  engage 
ment,  are  supposed  to  have  led  to  his  being  shortly 
afterwards  appointed  a  brigadier  general,  in  the  service 
of  the  British  king. 

When  Detroit  was  captured,  on  the  16th  of  August, 
Tecumseh  was  at  the  head  of  the  Indians.  After  the 
surrender,  general  Brock  requested  him  not  to  allow 
his  men  to  ill-treat  the  prisoners,  to  which  he  replied, 
"no!  I  despise  them  too  much  to  meddle  with  them."* 

«  Tecumseh  was  an  excellent  judge  of  position ;  and 
not  only  knew,  but  could  point  out  the  localities  of  the 


*  Book  of  the  Indians,  by  S.  G.  Drake. 


166  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

whole  country  through  which  he  passed.  His  facility 
of  communicating  the  information  he  had  acquired, 
was  thus  displayed  before  a  concourse  of  spectators. 
Previously  to  general  Brock's  crossing  over  to  Detroit, 
he  asked  him  what  sort  of  a  country  he  should  have  to 
pass  through,  in  case  of  his  proceeding  farther.  Te- 
cumseh,  taking  a  roll  of  elm  bark,  and  extending  it  on 
the  ground  by  means  of  four  stones,  drew  forth  his 
scalping  knife,  and  with  the  point  presently  etched 
upon  the  bark  a  plan  of  the  country,  its  hills,  rivers, 
woods,  morasses  and  roads ;  a  plan  which,  if  not  as 
neat,  was  for  the  purpose  required,  fully  as  intelligible 
as  if  Arrowsmith  himself  had  prepared  it.  Pleased 
with  this  unexpected  talent  in  Tecumseh,  also  by  his 
having,  with  his  characteristic  boldness,  induced  the  In 
dians,  not  of  his  immediate  party,  to  cross  the  Detroit, 
prior  to  the  embarkation  of  the  regulars  and  militia, 
general  Brock,  as  soon  as  the  business  was  over,  pub 
licly  took  off  his  sash,  and  placed  it  round  the  body  of 
the  chief.  Tecumseh  received  the  honor  with  evident 
gratification ;  but  was  next  day  seen  without  his  sash. 
General  Brock  fearing  something  had  displeased  the 
Indian,  sent  his  interpreter  for  an  explanation.  The 
latter  soon  returned  with  an  account,  that  Tecumseh, 
not  wishing  to  wear  such  a  mark  of  distinction,  when 
an  older,  and  as  he  said,  abler  warrior  than  himself,  was 
present,  had  transferred  the  sash  to  the  Wyandot  chief, 
Roundhead."* 

On  the  15th  of  August,  the  garrison  of  Chicago,  situa 
ted  in  the  south-western  bend  of  lake  Michigan, — con 
sisting  of  about  seventy  men,  with  some  women  and 
children, — were  attacked  by  a  large  body  of  Indians, 
who  had  been  lying  around  the  fort  for  some  time,  pro 
fessing  neutrality.  The  whole  were  either  murdered 
or  taken  prisoners.  The  garrison,  under  the  direction 
of  captains  Heald  and  Wells,  having  destroyed  the  fort 
and  distributed  the  public  stores  among  the  Indians, 
was  about  to  retreat  towards  fort  Wayne.  As  the  In 
dians  around  Chicago  had  not  yet  taken  sides  in  the 
war,  the  garrison  would  probably  have  escaped,  had 

*  James'  Military  Occurrences  of  the  Late  War. 


^^t-^^^-^^. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  167 

aot  Tecumseh,  immediately  after  the  attack  upon  major 
Vanhorn,  at  Brownstown,  sent  a  runner  to  these  In 
dians,  claiming  the  victory  over  that  officer ;  and  con 
veying  to  them  information  that  general  Hull  had  re 
turned  to  Detroit ;  and  that  there  was  every  prospect 
of  success  over  him.  This  intelligence  reached  the  In 
dians  the  night  previous  the  evacuation  of  Chicago, 
and  led  them  at  once,  as  Tecumseh  had  anticipated,  to 
become  the  allies  of  the  British  army. 

At  the  period  of  colonel  Campbell's  expedition  against 
the  M ississinaway  towns,  in  the  month  of  December, 
Tecumseh  was  in  that  neighborhood,  with  about  six 
hundred  Indians,  whose  services  he  had  engaged  as 
allies  of  Great  Britian.  He  was  not  in  the  battle  of  the 
river  Raisin  on  the  22d  of  January.  ,  Had  he  been 
present  on  that  occasion,  the  known,  magnanimity  ot 
his  character,  justifies  the  belief  that  the  horrible  mas 
sacre  of  prisoners,  which  followed  that  action,  would 
not  have  taken  place.  Not  only  the  savages,  but  their 
savage  leaders,  Proctor  and  Elliott,  would  have  been 
held  in  check,  by  a  ohief  who,  however  daring  and 
dreadful  in  the  hour  of  battle,  was  never  known  to  ill- 
treat  or  murder  a  prisoner. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Siege  of  fort  Meigs — Tecumseh  commands  the  Indians — acts  with  intrepid 
ity — rescues  the  American  prisoners  from  the  tomahawk  and  scalping 
knife,  after  Dudley's  defeat — reported  agreement  between  Proctor  and 
Tecuraseh,  that  general  Harrison,  if  taken  prisoner,  should  be  delivered 
to  the  latter  to  be  burned. 

FORT  MEIGS,  situated  on  the  south-east  side  of  the 
Miami  of  the  lakes,  and  at  the  foot  of  the  rapids  of  that 
stream,  was  an  octagonal  enclosure,  with  eight  block 
houses,  picketed  with  timber,  and  surrounded  by  ditch- 
es.  It  was  two  thousand  five  hundred  yards  in  cir 
cumference,  and  required,  to  garrison  it  with  efficiency, 
about  two  thousand  men.  It  was  constructed  under 
the  immediate  superintendence  of  colonel  E.  D,  Wood, 


?$8  LIFE    OP   TECUM3EH- 

of  the  corps  of  engineers,  one  of  the  most  scientific 
gallant  officers  of  the  late  war.  This  post,  which  was 
established  in  the  spring  of  1815,  was  important  not 
only  for  the  protection  of  the  frontiers,  but  as  the  depot 
for  the  artillery,  military  stores  and  provisions,  neces 
sary  for  the  prosecution  of  the  ensuing  campaign. 
These  circumstances  could  not  fail  to  attract  the  atten 
tion  of  the  enemy ;  and  the  commander  of  the  Ameri 
can  army  was  not  disappointed  in  supposing  that  fort 
Meigs  would  be  the  first  point  of  attack,  upon  the 
opening  of  the  spring,  by  the  combined  forces  of  Proc 
tor  and  Tecumseh. 

In  the  latter  part  of  March,  intelligence  reached  this 
post  that  Proctor  had  issued  a  general  order  for  assem 
bling  the  Canadian  militia  at  Sandwich,  on  the  7th  of 
April,  to  unite  in  an  expedition  against  fort  Meigs. 
This  information  gave  a  fresh  impulse  to  the  efforts 
then  making  to  render  the  fort,  which  was  still  in  an 
unfinished  state,  as  strong  as  possible.  On  the  8th  of 
April,  colonel  Ball  arrived  with  two  hundred  dragoons; 
arid  on  the  12th  general  Harrison  reached  the  fort  with 
three  hundred  men  from  the  posts  on  the  Auglaize  and 
St.  Mary's.  Vigorous  preparations  were  now  made  for 
the  anticipated  siege.  On  the  19th,  a  scouting  party 
returned  from  the  river  Raisin,  with  three  Frenchmen, 
who  stated  that  the  British  were  still  making  arrange 
ments  for  an  attack  on  this  post ;  and  were  assembling 
a  very  large  Indian  force.  They  informed  general  Har 
rison  that  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  had  reached 
Sandwich,  with  about  six  hundred  Indians,  collected 
in  the  country  between  lake  Michigan  and  the  Wabash. 
This  intelligence  removed  the  apprehension  entertained 
by  the  general,  that  the  Indians  intended  to  fall  upon 
the  posts  in  his  rear,  while  Proctor  should  attack  fort 
Meigs.  On  the  26th,  the  advance  of  the  enemy  was 
discovered  at  the  mouth  of  the  bay ;  and  on  the  28th, 
the  British  and  Indian  forces  were  found  to  be  within 
a  few  miles  of  the  fort.  At  this  time,  only  a  part  of 
the  troops  destined  for  the  defence  of  the  place,  had 
arrived ;  but  the  remainder,  under  the  command  of 
general  Green  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  were  daily  expected. 
So  soon  as  the  fort  was  actually  invested  by  the  In 


LIFE    OF   TE€UMSEH.  169 

dians,  an  express  was  sent  by  the  commander-in-chief, 
to  inform  general  Clay  of  the  fact,  and  direct  his  subse 
quent  movements.  This  dangerous  enterprise — for  the 
Indians  were  already  in  considerable  numbers  around 
the  fort — was  undertaken  and  successfully  executed  by 
captain  William  Oliver,*  a  gallant  young  officer  be 
longing  to  the  commissary's  department,  who,  to  a  fa 
miliar  acquaintance  with  the  geography  of  the  country 
united  much  knowledge  of  Indian  warfare.  Attended 
by  a  white  man  and  a  Delaware  Indian,  Oliver  travers 
ed  the  country  to  fort  Findlay,  thence  to  fort  Amanda, 
and  finally  met  with  general  Clay  at  fort  Winchester, 
on  the  2d  of  May,  and  communicated  to  him  general 
Harrison's  instructions. 

Soon  after  Oliver  had  started  on  this  enterprise,  the 
gunboats  of  the  enemy  approached  the  site  of  old  fort 
Miami,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  about  two 
miles  below  fort  Meigs.  In  the  course  of  the  ensuing 
night  they  commenced  the  erection  of  three  batteries, 
opposite  the  fort  on  a  high  bank,  about  three  hundred 
yards  from  the  river,  the  intermediate  space  of  ground 
being  open  and  partly  covered  with  water.  Two  of 
them  were  gun  batteries,  with  four  embrasures,  and 
were  situated  higher  up  the  river  than  the  fort;  the 
third  was  a  bomb  battery,  placed  a  short  distance  be 
low.  Early  the  next  morning,  a  fire  was  opened  upon 
them  from  the  fort,  which,  to  some  extent,  impeded  the 

*  Now  Major  William  Oliver,  of  Cincinnati.  It  is  but  an  act  of  justice 
to  this  gentleman  to  state  that,  for  the  voluntary  performance  of  this  ser 
vice,  he  refused  all  pecuniary  compensation.  General  Harrison  subse 
quently,  in  a  letter  to  major  Oliver,  in  relation  to  this  service,  says,  "To 
prevent  the  possibility  of  these  orders  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  the  ene 
my,  they  could  not  be  committed  to  writing,  but  must  be  communicated 
verbally,  by  a  confidential  officer.  The  selection  of  one  suited  to  the  per 
formance  of  this  important  trust  was  a  matter  of  no  little  difficulty.  To 
the  qualkies  of  undoubted  patriotism,  moral  firmness,  as  well  as  active  cour 
age,  sagacity  and  prudence,  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  unite  a  tho 
rough  knowledge  of  the  country  through  which  the  troops  were  to  pass, 
and  of  all  the  localities  of  the  position  upon  which  they  were  advancing. 
Without  the  latter,  the  possession  of  the  former  would  be  useless,  and  the 
absence  of  either  of  the  former  might  render  the  'atter  not  only  useless,  but 
in  the  highest  degree  mischievous.  Although  there  was  no  coincidence 
between  the  performance  of  this  duty  and  those  which  appertained  to  the 
department  of  the  staff  in  which  you  held  an  appointment,  [the  commissariat] 
I  did  not  long  hesitate  in  fixing  on  you  for  this  service." 

P 


170  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

progress  of  the  works.  On  the  morning  of  the  30th,  the 
enemy,  under  a  heavy  and  somewhat  fatal  fire  from  the 
guns  of  the  fort,  raised  and  adjusted  their  cannon,  while 
at  the  same  time,  a  number  of  boats  filled  with  Indians 
were  seen  crossing  to  the  south-eastern  side  of  the  river, 

On  the  morning  of  the  first  of  May,  the  British  bat 
teries  were  completed;  and  about  ten  o'clock,  the  ene 
my  appeared  to  be  adjusting  their  guns  on  certain  ob 
jects  in  the  fort.  «  By  this  time  our  troops  had  comple 
ted  a  grand  traverse,  about  twelve  feet  high,  upon  a 
base  of  twenty  feet,  three  hundred  yards  long,  on  the 
most  elevated  ground  through  the  middle  of  the  camp? 
calculated  to  ward  oif  the  shot  of  the  enemy's  batteries. 
Orders  were  given  for  all  the  tents  in  front  to  be  in 
stantly  removed  into  its  rear,  which  was  effected  in  a 
few  minutes,  and  that  beautiful  prospect  of  cannona 
ding  and  bombarding  our  lines,  which  but  a  few  mo 
ments  before  had  excited  the  skill  and  energy  of  the 
British  engineer,  was  now  entirely  fled ;  and  in  its 
place  nothing  was  to  be  seen  but  an  immense  shield  of 
earth,  which  entirely  obscured  the  whole  army.  Not 
a  tent  nor  a  single  person  was  to  be  seen.  Those  can 
vas  houses,  which  had  concealed  the  growth  of  the 
traverse  from  the  view  of  the  enemy,  were  now  protect 
ed  and  hid  in  their  turn.  The  prospect  of  smoking  us 
out,  was  now  at  best  but  very  faint.  But  as  neither 
general  Proctor  nor  his  officers  were  yet  convinced  of 
the  folly  and  futility  of  their  laborious  preparations, 
their  batteries  were  opened,  and  five  days  were  spent 
in  arduous  cannonading  and  bombarding,  to  bring 
them  to  this  salutary  conviction.  A  tremendous  can 
nonading  was  kept  up  all  the  rest  of  the  day,  and 
shells  were  thrown  until  1 1  o'clock  at  night.  Very  lit 
tle  damage,  however,  was  done  in  the  camp ;  one  or  two 
were  killed,  and  three  or  four  wounded;  among  the 
latter  was  major  Amos  Stoddard,  of  the  first  regiment 
of  artillery,  a  survivor  of  the  revolution,  and  an  officer 
of  much  merit.  He  was  wounded  slightly  with  a  piece 
of  shell,  and  about  ten  days  afterwards  died  with  the 
lock-jaw. 

"  The  fire  of  the  enemy  was  returned  from  the  fort 
with  one  eighteen  pounder  with  some  effect,  though 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  171 

but  sparingly,  for  the  stock  of  eighteen  pound  shot  was 
but  small,  there  being  but  three  hundred  and  sixty  of 
that  size  in  the  fort  when  the  siege  commenced ;  and 
about  the  same  number  for  the  twelve  pounders."* 

Throughout  the  whole  of  the  second  day  the  firing 
was  continued  with  great  spirit,  but  without  doing 
much  damage  on  either  side.  General  Plarrison,  in 
anticipation  of  a  transfer  of  the  enemy's  guns  to  the 
other  side  of  the  river,  and  the  establishment  of  batte 
ries  to  play  upon  the  centre  or  flanks  of  the  camp,  had 
directed  the  construction  of  works  calculated  to  resist 
such  an  attack  ;  and  they  were  in  a  state  of  considera 
ble  forwardness  on  the  morning  of  the  third,  when, 
from  the  the  bushes  on  the  left  of  the  fort,  three  field 
pieces  and  a  howitzer  were  suddenly  opened  upon  the 
camp  by  the  enemy.  The  fire  was  returned  with  such 
effect,  that  general  Proctor  was  soon  compelled  to 
change  his  position.  His  batteries  were  again  opened 
on  the  camp  from  another  point,  but  without  doing 
much  injury.  On  the  fourth,  the  fire  of  the  enemy 
was  renewed,  but  with  less  energy  than  on  the  pre 
vious  days,  the  result,  it  is  supposed,  of  a  belief  that 
their  efforts  to  reduce  the  fort  would  fail.  General 
Harrison  was  waiting  the  arrival  of  general  Clay  with 
his  reinforcements.  Late  in  the  night  of  the  fourth, 
captain  Oliver,  accompanied  by  majors  David  Trimble 

and Taylor,  with  fifteen  Ohio  militia,  having  left 

general  Clay  above  the  rapids,  started  in  a  boat  for  the 
fort,  that  the  commanding  general,  by  knowing  the 
position  of  the  reinforcements,  might  form  his  plans  for 
the  ensuing  day.  The  effort  to  reach  the  fort  under 
the  existing  circumstances  was  extremely  dangerous. 
Captain  Leslie  Combs  had  already  attempted  it,  and 
failed.  He  had  been  sent  by  colonel  Dudley,  upon  his 
arrival  at  Defiance,  to  inform  general  Harrison  of  the 
fact.  With  five  men,  the  captain  approached  within  a 
mile  of  the  fort,  when  he  was  attacked  by  the  Indians, 
and  compelled  to  retreat  after  a  gallant  resistance,  in 
which  nearly  all  his  companions  were  killed.  When 
Oliver  drew  near  the  fort,  the  night  was  extremely 

*  M'Affee. 


172  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

dark,  and  he  was  only  enabled  to  discover  the  spot  by 
the  spreading  branches  of  a  solitary  oak  tree,  standing 
within  the  fortification.  The  boat  was  fired  upon  by 
the  sentinels  of  the  fort,  but  on  their  being  hailed  by 
captain  Oliver,  no  further  alarm  was  given.  After 
landing  and  wading  over  a  ravine  filled  with  water, 
the  party  groped  their  way  to  one  of  the  gates,  and 
were  admitted.  Tecumseh  and  his  Indians  were  ex~ 
tremely  vigilant,  arid,  at  night,  usually  came  close  to 
the  ramparts  for  the  purpose  of  annoying  our  troops, 
as  opportunity  might  offer.  So  soon  as  general  Harri 
son  had  received  the  information  brought  by  captain 
Oliver  and  his  companions,  he  made  his  arrangements 
for  the  ensuing  day.  Captain  Hamilton,  attended  by  a 
subaltern,  was  immediately  despatched  up  the  river  in 
a  canoe  with  orders  to  general  Clay.  The  captain  met 
him  at  daylight  five  miles  above  the  fort,  the  boats 
conveying  the  reinforcements  having  been  delayed  by 
the  darkness  of  the  night.  Captain  Hamilton  deliver 
ed  the  following  order  to  general  Clay.  «  You  must 
detach  about  eight  hundred  men  from  your  brigade, 
and  land  them  at  a  point  I  will  show  you  about  a  mile 
or  a  mile  and  a  half  above  camp  Meigs.  I  will  then 
conduct  the  detachment  to  the  British  batteries  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  river.  The  batteries  must  be  taken, 
the  cannon  spiked,  and  the  carriages  cut  down ;  and 
the  troops  must  then  return  to  their  boats  and  cross 
over  to  the  fort.  The  balance  of  your  men  must  land 
on  the  fort-side  of  the  river,  opposite  the  first  landing, 
and  fight  their  way  into  the  fort  through  the  Indians. 
The  route  they  must  take  will  be  pointed  out  by  a 
subaltern  officer  now  with  me,  who  will  land  the  canoe 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  to  point  out  the  land 
ing  for  the  boats.5'*  As  soon  as  these  orders  were  re 
ceived  by  general  Clay,  who  was  in  the  thirteenth  boat 
from  the  front,  lie  directed  captain  Hamilton  to  go  to 
colonel  Dudley,  with  orders  to  take  the  twelvt  front 
boats  and  execute  the  plan  of  the  commanding  general 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  river;'  and  to  post  the  subaltern 
with  the  canoe  on  the  right  bank,  at  the  point  where 

*  M'Aftee. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  173 

the  remainder  of  the  reinforcement  was  directed  to 
land.  It  was  the  design  of  general  Harrison  while  the 
troops  under  Dudley  were  destroying  the  enemy 's  bat 
teries  on  the  north-west  side  of  the  river,  and  general 
Clay  was  fighting  the  Indians  above  the  fort  on  the 
south-east  side,  to  send  out  a  detachment  to  take  and 
spike  the  British  guns  on  the  south  side. 

"  General  Clay  ordered  the  five  remaining  boats  to 
fall  behind  the  one  occupied  by  him ;  but  in  attempting 
to  do  so,  they  were  driven  on  shore,  and  thus  thrown 
half  a  mile  into  the  rear.  The  general  kept  close  to 
the  right  barnk,  intending  to  land  opposite  to  the  detach 
ment  under  Dudley,  but  finding  no  guide  there,  and  the 
Indians  having  commenced  a  brisk  fire  on  his  boat,  he 
attempted  to  cross  to  the  detachment.  The  current, 
however,  was  so  swift,  that  it  soon  carried  him  too  far 
down  for  that  project ;  he  therefore  turned  back,  and 
landed  on  the  right  bank  further  down.  Captain  Peter 
Dudley,  with  a  part  of  his  company,  was  in  this  boat, 
making  in  the  whole  upwards  of  fifty  men,  who  now 
marched  into  camp  without  loss,  amidst  a  shower  of 
grape  from  the  British  batteries  and  the  fire  of  some  In 
dians.  The  boat  with  their  baggage  and  four  sick  sol 
diers,  was  left,  as  the  general  supposed,  in  the  care  of 
two  men  who  met  him  at  his  landing,  and  by  whom  he 
expected  she  would  be  brought  down  under  the  guns 
of  the  fort.  In  a  few  minutes,  however,  she  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Indians.  The  attempt  which  he  had 
made  to  cross  the  river,  induced  colonel  Boswell,  with 
the  rear  boats,  to  land  on  the  opposite  side ;  but  as  soon 
as  captain  Hamilton  discovered  the  error  under  which 
he  was  acting,  he  instructed  him  to  cross  over  and  fight 
his  way  into  camp.  When  he  arrived  at  the  south  side, 
he  was  annoyed  on  landing  by  the  Indians ;  and  as  soon 
as  his  men  were  on  shore,  he  formed  them  and  returned 
the  fire  of  the  enemy ;  at  the  same  time  he  was  direct 
ed  by  captain  Shaw,  from  the  commanding  general,  to 
march  in  open  order,  through  the  plain,  to  the  fort.  As 
there  was  now  a  large  body  of  Indians  on  his  flank, 
general  Harrison  determined  to  send  out  a  reinforce 
ment  from  the  garrison  to  enable  him  to  beat  them. 
Accordingly,  Alexander's  brigade,  a  part  of  Johnson's 

p  2 


174  -,  **;    UF    TECUMSEH. 

battalion,  and  \,Ae  compunies  of  captains  Nearmg  and 
Dudley,  were  ordered  to  prepare  for  this  duty.  When 
the  Kentuckians  reached  the  gates  of  the  fort,  these 
troops  were  ready  to  joU  them.  Having  formed  in 
order — colonel  Boswell  being  on  the  right, — they  march 
ed  against  the  Indians,  who  were  superior  to  them  in 
numbers,  and  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  forced  them 
into  the  woods  to  the  distance  of  half  a  mile  or  more. 
Such  was  the  ardor  of  our  troops,  in  the  pursuit,  that 
it  was  difficult,  especially  f  vr  the  Kentucky  officers,  to 
induce  their  men  to  return. 

General  Harrison  had  new  taken  a  position  on  one 
of  the  batteries  of  the  fort,  that  he  might  see  the  various 
movements  which  at  this  moment  claimed  his  attention. 
He  soon  perceived  a  detachment  of  British  and  Indians 
passing  along  the  edge  of  th«  woods,  with  a  view  to 
reach  the  left  and  rear  of  the  corps  under  Boswell :  he 
forthwith  despatched  his  volunteer  aid,  John  T.  John 
ston,  to  recall  the  troops  under  Boswell  from  the  pur 
suit.  Johnston's  horse  having  been  killed  before  he 
delivered  this  order,  it  was  repeated  through  major 
Graham,  and  a  retreat  was  commenced:  the  Indians 
promptly  rallied  and  boldly  pursued  them  for  some  dis 
tance,  killing  and  wounding  a  number  of  our  troops. 
So  soon  as  the  commanding  general  perceived  that 
colonel  Dudley  and  his  detachment  had  reached  the 
batteries  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  river,  and  entered 
successfully  upon  the  execution  of  the  duty  assigned 
them,  he  ordered  colonel  John  Miller  of  the  regulars  to 
make  a  sortie  from  the  fort,  against  the  batteries  which 
the  enemy  had  erected  on  the  south  side  of  the  river. 
The  detachment  assigned  to  colonel  Miller,  amounted 
to  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  composed  of  the 
companies  and  parts  of  companies  of  captains  Langham, 
Croghan,  Bradford,  Nearing,  Elliott,  and  lieutenants 
Gwynne  and  Campbell  of  the  regular  troops ;  the  vo 
lunteers  of  Alexander's  battalion;  and  captain  Sebree's 
company  of  Kentucky  militia.  Colonel  Miller  and  his 
men  charged  upon  the  enemy,  and  drove  them  from 
their  position ;  spiked  the  cannon  at  their  batteries,  and 
secured  forty-one  prisoners.  The  force  of  the  enemy, 
thus  driven  and  defeated,  consisted  of  two  hundred 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  175 

British  regulars,  one  hundred  and  fifty  Canadians  and 
about  five  hundred  Indians,  under  the  immediate  com 
mand  of  Tecumseh,  in  all  more  than  double  the  force 
of  the  detachment  under  colonel  Miller.  In  this  sortie, 
captain  Sebree's  company  of  militia,  was  particularly 
distinguished.  With  the  intrepid  bravery  and  reckless 
ardor  for  which  the  Kentucky  troops  are  noted,  they 
plunged  into  the  thickest  ranks  of  the  enemy,  and  were 
for  a  time  surrounded  by  the  Indians,  who  gallantly 
pressed  upon  them ;  but  they  maintained  their  ground, 
until  lieutenant  Gwynne,*  of  the  19th  regiment,  per 
ceiving  their  imminent  peril,  boldly  charged  upon  the 
Indians,  with  a  portion  of  captain  Elliott's  company, 
and  released  captain  Sebree  and  his  men  from  their 
dangerous  situation.  Had  the  force  of  colonel  Miller 
been  something  stronger,  he  would  probably  have  cap 
tured  the  whole  of  the  enemy,  then  on  the  south  side 
of  the  river.  The  British  and  Indians  suffered  severe 
ly,  being  finally  driven  back  and  thrown  into  confusion, 
As  colonel  Miller  commenced  his  return  to  the  fort,  the 
enemy  rallied  and  pressed  with  great  bravery  upon  his 
rear,  until  he  arrived  near  the  breast-works.  A  con 
siderable  number  of  our  soldiers  were  left  dead  on  the 
field,  and  several  officers  were  wounded. 

Colonel  DudleY's  movements  on  the  north  side  of  the 
river,  are  now  to  be  noticed.  A  landing  was  effected 
by  his  detachment,  which  was  immediately  marched 
off,  through  an  open  plain,  to  a  hill  clothed  with  tim 
ber.  Here  the  troops  were  formed  into  three  columns, 
colonel  Dudley  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the  right, 
major  Shelby  leading  the  left,  and  captain  Morrison, 
acting  as  major,  the  centre.  The  distance  from  the 
place  where  the  detachment  was  formed  in  order,  to 
the  point  to  be  attacked,  was  near  two  miles.  The  bat 
teries  were  engaged  in  cannonading  camp  Meigs,  when 
the  column  led  by  major  Shelby,  being  a  few  hundred 
yards  in  advance  of  the  others,  rushed  at  full  speed  up 
on  those  having  charge  of  the  guns,  and  carried  them 
without  the  loss  of  a  single  man.  When  the  British 
flag  was  cut  down,  the  garrison  of  fort  Meigs  shouted 


*  Major  David  Gwynne,  now  of  Cincinnati, 


178  I.IPB    OP   TECUMSEH. 

for  joy.  The  grand  object  of  the  enterprise  having 
been  achieved,  the  general,  who  was  watching  the 
movements  of  the  detachment,  made  signs  to  them  to 
retreat  to  their  boats ;  but  to  his  great  surprise,  and  in 
express  disobedience  of  the  orders  transmitted  through 
colonel  Hamilton,  our  troops  remained  at  the  batteries, 
quietly  looking  around,  without  spiking  the  cannon, 
cutting  down  the  carriages  or  destroying  the  magazines. 
This  delay  proved  fatal  to  them.  The  general,  alarm 
ed  for  their  safety,  now  offered  a  very  high  reward  to 
any  individual  who  would  bear  fresh  orders  to  colonel 
Dudley  and  his  men,  to  return  to  their  boats  and  cross 
over  the  river  to  the  fort.  The  service  was  undertaken 
by  lieutenant  Campbell.  "  About  the  time  when  the 
batteries  were  taken,  a  body  of  Indians,  lying  in  am 
bush,  had  fired  on  a  party  of  spies  under  captain 
Combs,  who  had  marched  down  on  the  extreme  left  of 
the  detachment.  Presently  colonel  Dudley  gave  orders 
to  reinforce  the  spies,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  right 
and  centre  columns  rushed  into  the  woods  in  confu 
sion,  with  their  colonel  among  them — to  fight  the  In 
dians,  whom  they  routed  and  pursued  near  two  miles. 
The  left  column  remained  in  possession  of  the  batte 
ries,  till  the  fugitive  artillerists  returned  with  a  rein 
forcement  from  the  main  British  camp,  and  attacked 
them.  Some  of  them  were  then  made"  prisoners,  others 
fled  to  the  boats,  and  a  part,  who  were  rallied  by  the 
exertions  of  their  major,  marched  to  the  aid  of  colonel 
Dudley.  The  Indians  had  also  been  reinforced,  and 
the  confusion  in  which  major  Shelby  found  the  men 
under  Dudley,  was  so  great  as  to  amount  to  a  cessation 
of  resistance ;  while  the  savages,  skulking  around  them, 
continued  the  work  of  destruction  in  safety.  At  last  a 
retreat  commenced  in  disorder,  but  the  greater  part  of 
the  men  were  captured  by  the  Indians,  or  surrendered 
to  the  British  at  the  batteries.  The  gallant  but  unfor 
tunate  colonel  Dudley,  after  being  wounded,  was  over 
taken  and  despatched  with  the  tomahawk.  The  num 
ber  of  those  who  escaped  and  got  into  the  fort,  out  of 
the  whole  detachment,  was  considerably  below  two 
hundred.  Had  the  orders  which  colonel  Dudley  re- 
cieved,  been  duly  regarded,  or  a  proper  degree  of  judg 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  177 

ment  exercised  on  the  occasion,  the  day  would  certain 
ly  have  been  an  important  one  for  the  country,  and  a 
glorious  one  for  the  army.  Every  thing  might  have 
been  accomplished  agreeably  to  the  wishes  and  inten 
tions  of  the  general,  with  the  loss  of  but  few  men. 
When  the  approach  of  the  detachment  under  Dudley 
was  reported  to  Proctor,  he  supposed  it  to  be  the  main 
force  of  the  American  army,  from  which  he  was  appre 
hensive  that  he  might  sustain  a  total  defeat :  he  there 
fore  recalled  a  large  portion  of  his  British  and  Indians 
from  the  opposite  shore.  They  did  not  arrive,  how 
ever,  in  time  to  partake  in  the  contest  on  the  north 
side."* 

After  the  fighting  had  ceased  on  the  fifth,  the  British 
general  sent  a  flag  to  the  fort  by  major  Chambers,  and 
his  introduction  to  general  Harrison  was  succeeded  by 
the  following  significant  dialogue : 

"  Major  Chambers.  General  Proctor  has  directed 
me  to  demand  the  surrender  of  this  post.  He  wishes 
to  spare  the  effusion  of  blood. 

"  General  Harrison.  The  demand,  under  present 
circumstances,  is  a  most  extraordinary  one.  As  gener 
al  Proctor  did  not  send  me  a  summons  to  surrender  on 
his  first  arrival,  I  had  supposed  that  he  believed  me 
determined  to  do  my  duty.  His  present  message  indi 
cates  an  opinion  of  me  that  I  am  at  a  loss  to  account  for. 

"  Major  Chambers.  General  Proctor  could  never 
think  of  saying  anything  to  wound  your  feelings,  sir. 
The  character  of  general  Harrison,  as  an  officer,  is  well 
known.  General  Proctor's  force  is  very  respectable, 
and  there  is  with  him  a  larger  body  of  Indians  than  has 
ever  before  been  embodied. 

"  General  Harrison.  I  believe  I  have  a  very  cor 
rect  idea  of  general  Proctor's  force ;  it  is  not  such  as  to 
create  the  least  apprehension  for  the  result  of  the  con 
test,  whatever  shape  he  may  be  pleased  hereafter  to 
give  it.  Assure  the  general,  however,  that  he  will 
never  have  this  post  surrendered  to  him  upon  any 
terms.  Should  it  fall  into  his  hands,  it  will  be  in  a 
manner  calculated  to  do  him  more  honor,  and  to  give 

*  M'Affee, 


178  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

him  ia  rger  claims  upon  the  gratitude  of  his  government 
than  any  capitulation  could  possibly  do  " 

The  siege  was  continued,  but  without  any  very  ac 
tive  efforts  against  the  fort,  until  the  morning  of  the  9th 
of  May,  when  the  enemy  retreated  down  the  bay, 
leaving  behind  them  a  quantity  of  cannon  balls,  and 
other  valuable  articles. 

The  force  under  general  Proctor  amounted,  as  nearly 
as  could  be  ascertained,  to  six  hundred  regulars,  eight 
hundred  Canadian  militia,  and  about  eighteen  hundred 
Indians.  The  number  of  troops  under  general  Harri 
son,  including  those  which  arrived  on  the  morning  of 
the  fifth,  under  general  Clay,  was  about  twelve  hun 
dred  in  all.  The  number  fit  for  duty  did  not,  perhaps, 
equal  eleven  hundred. 

The  number  of  the  American  troops  killed  and  mas 
sacred  on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  was  upwards  of 
seventy.  One  hundred  and  eighty-nine  were  wound 
ed,  and  eighty -one  killed,  in  the  two  sorties  from  the 
fort.  The  loss  of  the  British  and  Indians,  in  killed 
and  wounded,  could  never  be  satisfactorily  ascertained. 
That  it  was  very  considerable,  there  can  be  no  doubt. 

The  enemy  brought  against  fort  Meigs  a  combined 
army  of  near  three  thousand  men,  under  Proctor,  Elli 
ott  and  Tecumseh,  and  prepared,  by  a  train  of  artillery, 
for*  vigorous  operations.  These  were  prosecuted  with 
skill  and  energy.  The  Indians,  led  on  by  the  daring 
Tecumseh,  fought  with  uncommon  bravery,  and  con 
tributed  largely  to  swell  the  list  of  our  killed  and 
wounded.  It  is  said,  that  the  sagacious  leader  of  the 
Indian  forces  did  not  enter  upon  this  siege  with  any 
strong  hopes  of  ultimate  success ;  but  having  embarked 
in  it,  he  stood  manfully  in  the  post  of  danger,  and  took 
an  active,  if  not  a  leading  part,  in  planning  and  execu 
ting  the  various  movements  which  were  made  against 
the  fort.  The  spirit  with  which  these  were  prosecuted 
may  be  in  part  inferred  from  the  fact,  that  during  the 
first  five  days  of  the  siege,  the  enemy  fired  upon  the 
fort  with  their  cannon,  fifteen  hundred  times,*  many  of 
their  bails  and  bombs  being  red-hot,  and  directed  spe- 

*  Brown's  History  of  the  Late  War. 


LIFE    OP    TECUMFKH.  179 

cially  at  the  two  block  houses  containing  the  ammuni 
tion.  These  shots  made  no  decided  impression  upon 
the  picketing  of  the  fort,  but  killed  or  wounded  about 
eighty  of  the  garrison. 

It  has  been  already  stated  that  the  distinguished  lea 
3er  of  the  Indians,  in  this  assault  tpon  camp  Meigs 
entered  upon  it  with  no  sanguine  hopes  of  success.  Hif 
associate,  general  Proctor,  however,  ir>  said  to  have  en 
tertained  a  different  opinion,  and  flattered  himself  am? 
his  troops  with  the  prospect  of  splendid  success  and  ricl? 
rewards.  In  case  of  the  reduction  of  the  fort  and  the 
capture  of  its  garrison,  the  British  general  intended  to 
assign  the  Michigan  territory  to  the  Propbtt  and  his  fol 
lowers,  as  a  compensation  for  their  services .  and  genera1 
Harrison  was  to  have  been  delivered  into  the  hands  of 
Tecumsehjto  be  disposed  of  at  the  pleasure  c-f  that  chief.* 

One  of  the  public  journals  of  the  dayt  states  that  thip 
proposition  originated  with  Proctor,  and  was  held  ou< 
as  an  inducement  to  Tecumseh,  to  join  in  ito  siege 
General  Harrison  subsequently  understood,  that  in  case 
he  had  fallen  into  Proctor's  hands,  he  was  to  have  beer 
delivered  to  Tecumseh,  to  be  treated  as  that  warrio? 
might  think  proper  :  and  in  a  note  to  Dawson's  Histori 
cal  Narrative,  the  author  of  that  work  says,  «  There  i* 
no  doubt  that  when  Proctor  made  the  arrangement  fo* 
the  attack  on  fort  Meigs  with  Tecumseh,  the  latter  in 
sisted  and  the  former  agreed,  that  general  Harrison  an* 
all  who  fought  at  Tippecanoe,  should  be  given  up  t* 
the  Indians  to  be  burned.     Major  Ball  of  the  dragoon- 
ascertained  this  fact  from  prisoners,  deserters  and  In 
dians,  all  of  whom  agreed  to  its  truth."     Whatever 
may  have  been  the  actual  agreement  between  Procto* 
and  Tecumseh  in  regard  to  general  Harrison  and  thost 
who  fought  with  him  at  Tippecanoe,  it  is  hardly  credi 
ble  that  this  chief  had  any  intention  of  participating  i%, 
an  outrage  of  this  kind,  upon  the  prisoners.     Tecumseh 
may  possibly  have  made  such  an  arrangement  with 
Proctor,  and  announced  it  to  the  Indians,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  exciting  them  to  activity  and  perseverance,  in 
carrying  on  the  siege  ;  but  that  this  chief  seriously  med 
itated  any  such  outrage,  either  against  general  Harrison 

*  M'Affee.  f  The  Chillicothe  Fredonian. 


180  LIFE    OF    TECTJMSEH. 

or  his  associates,  is  not  to  be  credited  but  on  the  best 
authority.  It  will  be  recollected  that  Tecumseh,  when 
but  a  youth,  succeeded  by  his  personal  influence,  in 
putting  an  end  to  the  custom  of  burning  prisoners,  then 
common  among  a  branch  of  the  Shawanoes.  In  1810, 
at  a  conference  with  general  Harrison,  in  Vincennes, 
he  made  an  agreement  that  prisoners  and  women  and 
children,  in  the  event  of  hostilities  between  the  whites 
and  the  Indians,  should  be  protected ;  and  there  is  no 
evidence  that  this  compact  was  ever  violated  by  him  ; 
or  indeed,  that  through  the  whole  course  of  his  event 
ful  life,  he  ever  committed  violence  upon  a  prisoner,  or 
suffered  others  to  do  so  without  promptly  interfering  foi 
the  captive.  To  suppose,  then,  that  he  really  intended 
to  permit  general  Harrison,  or  those  who  fought  with 
him  on  the  Wabash,  to  be  burned,  would  have  been  at 
variance  with  the  whole  tenor  of  his  life ;  and  particu 
larly  with  his  manly  and  magnanimous  conduct  at  the 
close  of  the  assault  upon  fort  Meigs. 

The  prisoners  captured  on  the  fifth,  were  taken 
down  to  Proctor's  head-quarters  and  confined  in  fort 
Miami,  where  the  Indians  were  permitted  to  amuse 
themselves  by  firing  at  the  crowd,  or  at  any  particular 
individual.  Those  whose  taste  led  them  to  inflict  a 
more  cruel  and  savage  death,  led  their  victims  to  the 
gateway,  where,  under  the  eye  of  general  Proctor  and 
his  officers,  they  were  coolly  tomahawked  and  scalped. 
Upwards  of  twenty  prisoners  were  thus,  in  the  course 
of  two  hours,  massacred  in  cold  blood,  by  those  to 
whom  they  had  voluntarily  surrendered.  At  the  same 
time,  the  chiefs  of  the  different  tribes  were  holding  a 
council  to  determine  the  fate  of  the  remaining  captives, 
when  Tecumseh  and  colonel  Elliott  came  down  from 
the  batteries  to  the  scene  of  carnage. 
'  A  detailed  account  of  the  noble  conduct  of  the  for 
mer  in  regard  to  these  captives  is  contained  in  the  follow 
ing  extract  from  a  letter,*  upon  the  accuracy  of  which 
reliance  may  be  placed.  The  writer,  after  contrasting 
the  brave  and  humane  Tecumseh  with  the  cruel  and 
reckless  Proctor,  says : 

*  This  letter  is  from  Mr.  Wm.  G.  Ewing,  formerly  of  Piqua,  O.,  and  is  ad 
dressed,  under  date  of  May  2d,  1818,  to  John  H.  James,  Esq.  now  of  Urbana. 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH,  181 

•<  The  most  unfortunate  event  of  that  contest,  I  pre 
sume  you  will  admit  to  have  been  the  defeat  of  colonel 
Dudley.  I  will  give  you  a  statement  made  to  me  by  a 
British  officer  who  was  present.  He  states,  that  when 
colonel  Dudley  landed  his  troops,  Tecumseh,  the  brave 
but  unfortunate  commander,  was  on  the  south  side  of 
the  river,  annoying  the  American  garrison  with  his 
Indians ;  and  that  Proctor,  with  a  part  of  his  troops 
and  a  few  Indians,  remained  on  the  opposite  side  at 
the  batteries.  Dudley  attacked  him,  and  pursued  him 
two  miles.  During  this  time,  Harrison  had  sent  out  a 
detachment  to  engage  Tecumseh ;  and  that  the  contest 
with  him  continued  a  considerable  length  of  time,  be 
fore  he  was  informed  of  what  was  doing  on  the  oppo 
site  side.  He  immediately  retreated,  swam  over  the 
river  and  fell  in  the  rear  of  Dudley,  and  attacked  him 
with  great  fury.  Being  thus  surrounded  and  their 
commander  killed,  the  troops  marched  up  to  the  British 
line  and  surrendered.  Shortly  afterwards,  commenced 
the  scene  of  horrors  which  I  dare  say  is  yet  fresh  in 
your  memory ;  but.  I  shall  recall  it  to  your  recollection 
for  reasons  I  will  hereafter  state.  They  (the  American 
troops)  were  huddled  together  in  an  old  British  garri 
son,  with  the  Indians  around  them,  selecting  such  as 
their  fancy  dictated,  to  glut  their  savage  thirst  for  mur 
der.  And  although  they  had  surrendered  themselves 
prisoners  of  war,  yet,  in  violation  of  the  customs  of 
war,  the  inhuman  Proctor  did  not  yield  them  the  least 
protection,  nor  attempt  to  screen  them  from  the  toma 
hawk  of  the  Indians.  Whilst  this  blood-thirsty  car 
nage  was  raging,  a  thundering  voice  was  heard  in  the 
rear,  in  the  Indian  tongue,  when,  turning  round,  he 
saw  Tecumseh  coming  with  all  the  rapidity  his  horse 
could  carry  him,  until  he  drew  near  to  where  two  In 
dians  had  an  American,  and  were  in  the  act  of  killing 
him.  He  sprang  from  his  horse,  caught  one  by  the 
throat  and  the  other  by  the  breast,  and  threw  them  to 
the  ground  ;  drawing  his  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife, 
he  ran  in  between  the  Americans  and  Indians,  brand 
ishing  them  with  the  fury  of  a  mad  man,  arid  daring 
any  one  of  the  hundreds  that  surrounded  him,  to  at 
tempt  to  murder  another  American,  They  all  appear 

Q 
- 


182  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

ed  confounded,  and  immediately  desisted.  His  mind 
appeared  rent  with  passion,  and  he  exclaimed  almost 
with  tears  in  his  eyes,  "  Oh !  what  will  become  of  my 
Indians."  He  then  demanded  in  an  authoritative  tone, 
where  Proctor  was ;  but  casting  his  eye  upon  him  at  a 
small  distance,  sternly  enquired  why  he  had  not  put  a 
stop  to  the  inhuman  massacre.  "  Sir,''  said  Proctor, 
"your  Indians  cannot  be  commanded."  "Begone!" 
retorted  Tecumseh,  with  the  greatest  disdain,  'you  are 
unlit  to  command ;  go  and  put  on  petticoats.7 " 

This  was  not  the  only  occasion  on  which  Tecumseh 
openly  manifested  the  contempt  which  he  felt  for  the 
character  and  conduct  of  general  Proctor.  Among 
other  instances,  it  is  stated  by  an  officer  of  the  United 
States'  arrny,  in  a  letter,  under  date  of  28th  September, 
1813,*  that  in  a  conversation  between  these  two  com 
manders  of  the  allied  British  army,  Tecumseh  said  to 
Proctor,  "I  conquer  to  save,  and  you  to  murder;" — an 
expression  founded  in  truth,  and  worthy  of  the  mag 
nanimous  hero  from  whose  lips  it  fell. 

There  is  another  incident  connected  with  the  defeat 
of  Dudley,  which  justice  to  the  character  of  Tecumseh 
requires  should  be  recorded.  Shortly  after  he  had  put 
a  stop  to  the  horrid  massacre  of  the  prisoners,  his 
attention  was  called  to  a  small  group  of  Indians  occu 
pied  in  looking  at  some  object  in  their  midst.  Colonel 
Elliott  observed  to  him,  "Yonder  are  four  of  your  na 
tion  who  have  been  taken  prisoners;  you  may  take 
charge  of  them,  and  dispose  of  them  as  you  think  pro 
per."  Tecumseh  walked  up  to  the  crowd,  where  he 
found  four  Shawanoes,  two  brothers  by  the  name  of 
Perry,  Big  Jim,  and  the  Soldier.  "  Friends,"  said  he, 
"  colonel  Elliott  has  placed  you  under  my  charge,  and 
I  will  send  you  back  to  your  nation  with  a  talk  to  our 
people."  He  accordingly  took  them  on  with  the  army 
as  far  as  the  river  Raisin,  from  which  point  their  return 
home  would  be  less  dangerous,  and  then  appointed  two 
of  his  followers  to  accompany  them,  with  some  friend 
ly  messages  to  the  chiefs  of  the  Shawanoe  nation. 
They  were  thus  discharged  under  their  parole,  not  to 
light  against  the  British  during  the  war. 

*  Niles'  Register 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  183 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Tecumseh  present  at  the  second  attack  on  fort  Meigs — hi&  stratagem  of  a 
sham-battle  to  draw  out  general  Clay — is  posted  in  the  Black  swamp 
with  two  thousand  warriors  at  the  time  of  the  attack  on  fort  Stephenson 
— from  thence  passes  by  land  to  Maiden — compels  general  Proctor  to 
release  an  American  prisoner — threatens  to  desert  the  British  cause- 
urges  an  attack  upon  the  American  fleet — opposes  Proctor's  retreat  from 
Maiden— delivers  a  speech  to  him  on  that  occasion. 

AFTER  abandoning  the  siege  of  fort  Meigs,  general 
Proctor  and  Tecumseh  returned  to  Maiden,  where  the 
Canadian  militia  were  disbanded,  and  the  Indians,  who 
had  not  already  left  the  army,  for  their  respective  vil 
lages,  were  stationed  at  different  cantonments.  The 
Chippewas  preferred  going  home;  the  Potawatarnies 
were  placed  six  miles  up  the  river  Rouge ;  the  Miamis 
and  Wyandots  at  Brownstown  and  up  the  Detroit  river, 
as  far  as  Maguaga.  They  were  successively  employ 
ed  by  the  British  commander  as  scouts,  a  party  being 
sent  regularly,  once  a  week,  to  reconnoiter  fort  Meigs, 
and  other  points  in  that  vicinity.  They  planted  no 
corn  and  hunted  but  little,  being  regularly  supplied 
with  provisions  from  Detroit  and  Maiden. 

Early  in  July,  the  allies  of  the  British  again  made 
their  appearance  in  the  vicinity  of  fort  Meigs.  Dick- 
son,  an  influential  Scotch  trader  among  the  Indians, 
having  returned  from  the  north-west  with  a  large  body 
of  savages,  general  Proctor  was  urged  to  renew  the  at 
tack  on  the  fort,  and  it  was  accordingly  done. 

Late  on  the  evening  of  the  20th  of  July,  the  garrison 
discovered  the  boats  of  the  British  army  ascending  the 
river.  On  the  following  morning  general  Clay,  now 
in  command  of  this  post,  despatched  a  picket  guard  of 
ten  men  to  a  point  three  hundred  yards  below  the  fort, 
where  it  was  surprised  by  the  Indians,  and  seven  of  the 
party  either  killed  or  captured.  The  combined  army 
of  British  and  Indians,  were  soon  afterwards  encamped 
on  the  north  side  of  the  river,  below  the  old  British 
fort  Miami.  For  a  short  time,  the  Indians  took  a  po 
sition  in  the  woods,  in  the  rear  of  the  fort,  from  which 
they  occasionally  fired  upon  the  garrison,  but  without 


184  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

doing  any  injury.  In  the  night,  captain  William  Oli 
ver,  accompanied  by  captain  M'Cune,  was  sent  ex 
press  to  general  Harrison,  then  at  Lower  Sandusky, 
with  information  that  fort  Meigs  was  again  invested ; 
and,  that  the  united  force  of  the  enemy  did  n9t  fall  far 
short  of  five  thousand  men.  The  general  directed  cap 
tain  M'Cune  to  return  to  the  fort,  with  information  to 
the  commander,  that  so  soon  as  the  necessary  troops 
could  be  assembled,  he  would  march  to  his  relief.  The 
general  doubted,  however,  whether  any  serious  attack 
was  meditated  against  the  place.  He  believed,  and 
the  result  showed  the  accuracy  of  his  judgment,  that 
the  enemy  was  making  a  feint  at  the  Rapids,  to  call 
his  attention  in  that  direction,  while  Lower  Sandusky 
or  Cleveland,  would  be  the  real  point  of  assault.  On 
the  23d  Tecumseh,  with  about  eight  hundred  Indians, 
passed  up  the  river,  with  the  intention,  as  general  Clay 
supposed,  of  attacking  fort  Winchester :  this  movement, 
as  was  subsequently  ascertained,  being  also  intended 
to  deceive  the  commander  of  the  fort.  On  the  25th  the 
enemy  removed  to  the  south  side  of  the  river,  and  en 
camped  behind  a  point  of  woods  which  partly  conceal 
ed  them  from  the  view  of  the  garrison.  This,  taken 
in  connection  with  other  circumstances,  led  general 
Clay  to  think  that  an  effort  would  be  made  to  carry 
the  post  by  assault.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  26th 
captain  M'Cune  reached  the  fort  in  safety.  In  the  af 
ternoon  of  that  day,  the  enemy  practised  a  well  devised 
stratagem  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  general  Clay  and 
his  troops  from  their  fastness.  On  the  Sandusky  road, 
just  before  night,  a  heavy  firing  of  rifles  and  muskets 
was  heard :  the  Indian  yell  broke  upon  the  ear,  and 
the  savages  were  seen  attacking  with  great  impetuosity 
a  column  of  men,  who  were  soon  thrown  into  confu 
sion;  they,  however,  rallied,  and  in  turn  the  Indians 
gave  way.  The  idea  flew  through  the  fort  that  gene 
ral  Harrison  was  approaching  with  a  body  of  reinforce 
ments  ;  and  the  troops  under  general  Clay  seized  their 
arms,  and  with  nearly  all  the  officers  in  the  garrison, 
demanded  to  be  led  to  the  support  of  their  friends. 
General  Clay  was  unable  to  explain  the  firing,  but 
wisely  concluded,  from  the  information  received  in  the 


LIFE    OP   TECUMSEH,  185 

morning  by  captain  M'Cune,  that  there  could  be  no 
reinforcements  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  fort.  He 
had  the  prudent  firmness  to  resist  the  earnest  importu 
nity  of  his  officers  and  men,  to  be  led  to  the  scene  of 
action.  The  enemy  finding  that  the  garrison  could  not 
be  drawn  out,  and  a  heavy  shower  of  rain  beginning  to 
fall,  terminated  their  sham-battle.  It  was  subsequently 
ascertained  that  this  was  a  stratagem,  devised  by  Te- 
cumseh,  for  the  purpose  of  decoying  out  a  part  of  the 
force  under  general  Clay,  which  was  to  have  been  at 
tacked  and  cut  off  by  the  Indians;  while  the  British 
troops  were  to  carry  the  fort  by  storm.  But  for  the 
opportune  arrival  of  the  express  in  the  morning  of  this 
day,  and  the  cool  judgment  of  the  commander,  there  is 
great  reason  to  suppose  that  this  admirably  planned 
manoeuvre  would  have  succeeded;  which  must  have 
resulted  in  the  total  destruction  of  the  garrison,  the 
combined  force  of  the  enemy,  then  investing  fort  Meigs, 
being  about  five  thousand  in  number,  while  the  troops 
under  general  Clay  were  but  a  few  hundred  strong. 
The  enemy  remained  around  the  fort  but  one  day  after 
the  failure  of  this  ingenious  stratagem,  and  on  the  2Sth 
embarked  with  their  stores,  and  proceeded  down  the 
lake. 

As  had  been  anticipated  by  general  Harrison,  imme 
diately  after  the  siege  was  raised,  the  British  troops 
sailed  round  into  Sandusky  bay,  while  a  portion  of  the 
Indians  marched  across  the  land,  to  aid  in  the  medi 
tated  attack  upon  fort  Stephenson,  at  lower  Sandusky, 
Tecumseh,  in  the  mean  time,  with  about  two  thousand 
warriors,  took  a  position  in  the  great  swamp,  between 
that  point  and  fort  Meigs,  ready  to  encounter  any  rein 
forcement  that  might  have  been  started  to  the  relief  of 
general  Clay,  to  fall  upon  the  camp  at  Seneca,  or  upon 
Upper  Sandusky,  according  to  circumstances.  The 
gallant  defence  of  fort  Stephenson  by  captain  Croghan, 
put  a  sudden  stop  to  the  offensive  operations  of  the 
army  under  Proctor  and  Tecumseh ;  and  very  shortly 
afterwards  transferred  the  scene  of  action  to  a  new 
theatre  on  the  Canada  shore,  where  these  commanders 
were,  in  turn,  thrown  upon  the  defensive. 

Immediately  after  the  signal  defeat  of  general  Proo 


186  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

tor  at  fort  Stephenson,  he  returned  with  the  British 
troops  to  Maiden  by  water,  while  Tecumseh  and  his 
followers  passed  over  land  round  the  head  of  lake  Erie 
and  joined  him  at  that  point.  At  this  time,  an  incident 
occurred  which  illustrates  the  character  of  Tecumseh, 
while  it  shows  the  contumely  with  which  he  was  ac 
customed  to  treat  general  Proctor,  who  did  not  dare  to 
disobey  him.  A  citizen  of  the  United  States,  captain 
Le  Croix,  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Proctor,  and 
was  secreted  on  board  one  of  the  British  vessels,  until 
he  could  be  sent  down  to  Montreal.  Tecumseh  had  a 
particular  regard  for  captain  Le  Croix,  and  suspected 
that  he  had  been  captured.  He  called  upon  general 
Proctor,  and  in  a  peremptory  manner  demanded  if  he 
knew  any  thing  of  his  friend.  He  even  ordered  the 
British  general  to  tell  him  the  truth,  adding, "  If  I  ever 
detect  you  in  a  falsehood,  I,  with  my  Indians,  will  im 
mediately  abandon  you."  The  general  was  obliged  to 
acknowledge  that  Le  Croix  was  in  confinement.  Te 
cumseh,  in  a  very  imperious  tone,  insisted  upon  his 
immediate  release.  General  Proctor  wrote  a  line  stat 
ing,  that  the  "  king  of  the  woods  "  desired  the  release 
of  captain  Le  Croix,  and  that  he  must  be  set  at  liberty ; 
which  was  done  without  delay."* 

Discouraged  by  the  want  of  success,  and  having  lost 
all  confidence  in  general  Proctor,  Tecumseh  now  se 
riously  meditated  a  withdrawal  from  the  contest.  He 
assembled  the  Shawanoes,  Wyandots  and  Otta was,  who 
were  under  his  command,  and  declared  his  intention  to 
them.  He  told  them,  that  at  the  time  they  took  up  the 
tomahawk  and  agreed  to  join  their  father,  the  king, 
they  were  promised  plenty  of  white  men  to  fight  with 
them  ;  "  but  the  number  is  not  now  greater,"  said  he, 
«  than  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  ;  and  we  are 
treated  by  them  like  the  dogs  of  snipe  hunters ;  we  are 
always  sent  ahead  to  start  the  game :  it  is  better  that 
we  should  return  to  our  country,  and  let  the  Americans 
come  on  and  fight  the  British."  To  this  proposition 
his  followers  agreed;  but  the  Sioux  and  Chippewas, 
discovering  his  intention,  went  to  him  and  insisted  that 

*  A  Wen  Collection. 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  187 

inasmuch  as  he  had  first  united  with  the  British,  and 
had  been  instrumental  in  bringing  their  tribes  into  the 
alliance,  he  ought  not  to  leave  them ;  and  through  their 
influence  he  was  finally  induced  to  remain.* 

Tecumseh  was  on  the  island  of  Bois  Blanc,  in  the 
Detroit  river,  when  commodore  Perry  made  the  first 
display  of  his  fleet  before  Maiden.  He  appeared  much 
pleased  at  the  appearance  of  these  vessels,  and  assured 
•he  Indians  by  whom  he  was  surrounded,  that  the  Brit 
ish  fleet  would  soon  destroy  them.  The  Indians  hast- 
Biied  to  the  shore  to  witness  the  contest,  but  the  harbour 
)f  Maiden  presented  no  evidence  that  commodore  Bar 
ilay  intended  to  meet  the  American  commander.  Te 
;timseh  launched  his  canoe,  and  crossed  over  to  Maiden 
;o  make  enquiries  on  the  subject.  He  called  on  general 
Proctor,  and  adverting  to  the  apparent  unwillingness 
)f  commodore  Barclay  to  attack  the  American  fleet,  he 
;aid  "  a  few  days  since,  you  were  boasting  that  you 
commanded  the  waters — -why  do  you  not  go  out  and 
neet  the  Americans  ?  See  yonder,  they  are  waiting  for 
70  u,  and  daring  you  to  meet  them  :  you  must  and  shall 
send  out  your  fleet  and  fight  them."  Upon  his  return 
o  the  island,  he  stated  to  the  Indians,  with  apparent 
•hagrin,  that  "  the  big  canoes  of  their  great  father  were 
lot  yet.  ready,  and  that  the  destruction  of  the  Ameri- 
:ans  must  be  delayed  for  a  few  days."t 

When  the  battle  was  finally  fought,  it  was  witnessed 
>y  the  Indians  from  the  shore.  On  the  day  succeeding 
he  engagement,  general  Proctor  said  to  Tecumseh, 
;  my  fleet  has  whipped  the  Americans,  but  the  vessels 
>eing  much  injured,  have  gone  into  Put-in  Bay  to  refit, 
aid  will  be  here  in  a  few  days."  This  deception,  how- 
;ver,  upon  the  Indians,  was  not  of  long  duration.  The 
agacious  eye  of  Tecumseh  soon  perceived  indications 
if  a  retreat  from  Maiden,  and  he  promptly  enquired 
nto  the  matter.  General  Proctor  informed  him  that 
ie  was  only  going  to  send  their  valuable  property  up 
he  Thames,  where  it  would  meet  a  reinforcement, 
,nd  be  safe.  Tecumseh,  however,  was  not  to  be  de- 
eived  by  this  shallow  device ;  and  remonstrated  most 


Anthony  Shane.  f  Ibid. 


188  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

urgently  against  a  retreat.  He  finally  demanded,  in 
the  name  of  all  the  Indians  under  his  command,  to  be 
heard  by  the  general,  and,  on  the  18th  of  September, 
delivered  to  him,  as  the  representative  of  their  great 
father,  the  king,  the  following  speech  : 

"  Father,  listen  to  your  children !  you  have  them  now 
all  before  you. 

"The  war  before  this,  our  British  father  gave  the 
hatchet  to  his  red  children,  when  our  old  chiefs  were 
alive.  They  are  now  dead.  In  that  war  our  father  was 
thrown  on  his  back  by  the  Americans ;  and  our  father 
took  them  by  the  hand  without  our  knowledge  ;  and  we 
are  afraid  that  our  father  will  do  so  again  at  this  time. 

"  Summer  before  last,  when  I  came  forward  with  my 
red  brethren  and  was  ready  to  take  up  the  hatchet  in 
favor  of  our  British  father,  we  were  told  not  to  be  in 
a  hurry,  that  he  had  not  yet  determined  to  fight  the 
Americans. 

"  Listen !  when  war  was  declared,  our  father  stood 
up  and  gave  us  the  tomahawk,  and  told  us  that  he  was 
then  ready  to  strike  the  Americans ;  that  he.  wanted 
our  assistance,  and  that  he  would  certainly  get  our  lands 
back,  which  the  Americans  had  taken  from  us. 

"  Listen  !  you  told  us  at  that  time,  to  bring  forward 
our  families  to  this  place,  and  we  did  so;  and  you 
promised  to  take  care  of  them,  and  they  should  want 
for  nothing,  while  the  men  would  go  and  fight  the 
enemy  ;  that  we  need  not  trouble  ourselves  about  the 
enemy's  garrisons ;  that  we  knew  nothing  about  them, 
and  that  our  father  would  attend  to  that  part  of  the 
business.  You  also  told  your  red  children  that  you 
would  take  good  care  of  your  garrison  here,  which 
made  our  hearts  glad. 

"Listen  !  when  we  were  last  at  the  Rapids,  it  is  true 
we  gave  you  little  assistance.  It  is  hard  to  fight  people 
who  live  like  ground-hogs. 

"  Father,  listen !  our  fleet  has  gone  out ;  we  know 
they  have  fought ;  we  have  heard  the  great  guns ;  but 
we  know  nothing  of  what  has  happened  to  our  fathei 
with  one  arm.*  Our  ships  have  gone  one  way,  ai 

*  Commodore  Barclay,  who  had  lost  an  arm  in  some  previous  battle. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  189 

we  are  much  astonished  to  see  our  father  tying  up  eve 
ry  thing  and  preparing  to  run  away  the  other,  without 
letting  his  red  children  know  what  his  intentions  are. 
You  always  told  us  to  remain  here  and  take  care  of 
our  lands ;  it  made  our  hearts  glad  to  hear  that  was 
your  wish.  Our  great  father,  the  king,  is  the  head, 
and  you  represent  him.  You  always  told  us  you  would 
never  draw  your  foot  off  British  ground ;  but  now, 
father,  we  see  that  you  are  drawing  back,  and  we  are 
sorry  to  see  our  father  doing  so  without  seeing  the 
enemy.  We  must  compare  our  father's  conduct  to  a 
fat  dog,  that  carries  his  tail  on  its  back,  but  when  af 
frighted,  drops  it  between  its  legs  and  runs  off. 

"  Father,  listen !  the  Americans  have  not  yet  defeat 
ed  us  by  land ;  neither  are  we  sure  that  they  have  done 
so  by  water ;  we,  tJierefore^  wish  to  remain  here  and 
Jight  our  enemy,  should  they  make  their  appearance, 
If  they  defeat  us,  we  will  then  retreat  with  our  father. 

"At  the  battle  of  the  Rapids,  last  war,  the  Americans 
certainly  defeated  us ;  and  when  we  returned  to  our 
father's  fort  at  that  place,  the  gates  were  shut  against 
us.  We  were  afraid  that  it  would  now  be  the  case ; 
but  instead  of  that,  we  now  see  our  British  father  pre 
paring  to  march  out  of  his  garrison. 

"  Father,  you  have  got  the  arms  and  ammunition 
which  our  great  father  sent  for  his  red  children.  If  you 
nave  an  idea  of  going  away,  give  them  to  us,  and  you 
may  go  and  welcome,  for  us.  Our  lives  are  in  the 
ciands  of  the  Great  Spirit.  We  are  determined  to  de 
fend  our  lands,  and  if  it  be  his  will,  we  wish  to  leave 
our  bones  upon  them." 

General  Proctor,  in  disregarding  the  advice  of  Te- 
cumseh,  lost  his  only  opportunity  of  making  an  effec 
tive  resistance  to  the  American  army.  Had  the  troops 
under  general  Harrison  been  attacked  by  the  British 
and  Indians  at  the  moment  of  their  landing  on  the 
Canada  shore,  the  result  might  have  been  far  different 
from  that  which  was  shortly  afterwards  witnessed  on 
the  banks  of  the  Thames.  Of  the  authenticity  of  this 
able  speech,  there  is  no  doubt.  It  has  been  the  cause 
of  some  surprise  that  it  should  have  been  preserved  by 
general  Proctor,  and  translated  into  English,  especially 


190  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

as  it  speaks  of  the  commander  of  the  allied  army  in 
terms  the  most  disrespectful.  We  are  enabled  to  state, 
on  the  authority  of  John  Chambers,  Esq.  of  Washing 
ton,  Kentucky,  who  was  one  of  the  aids  of  general 
Harrison  in  the  campaign  of  1813,  that  the  speech  as 
given  above,  is  truly  translated  ;  and  was  actually  de- 
delivered  to  general  Proctor  under  the  circumstances 
above  related.  When  the  battle  of  the  Thames  had 
been  fought,  the  British  commander  sought  safety  in 
flight.  He  was  pursued  by  colonels  WTood,  Chambers, 
and  Todd,  and  three  or  four  privates.  He  escaped, 
but  his  baggage  was  captured.  Colonel  Chambers  was 
present  when  his  port-folio  was  opened,  and  among 
the  papers,  a  translation  of  this  speech  was  found.  In 
remarking  upon  the  fact  subsequently,  to  some  of  the 
British  officers,  they  stated  to  colonel  Chambers  that 
the  speech  was  undoubtedly  genuine  ;  and  that  general 
Proctor  had  ordered  it  to  be  translated  and  exhibited  to 
his  officers,  for  the  purpose  of  showing  them  the  inso 
lence  with  which  he  was  treated  by  Tecumseh,  and 
the  necessity  he  was  under  of  submitting  to  every  spe 
cies  of  indignity  from  him,  to  prevent  that  chief  from 
withdrawing  his  forces  from  the  contest  or  turning  his 
army  against  the  British  troops. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Retreat  of  the  combined  British  and  Indian  army  to  the  river  Thames — 
skirmish  at  Chatham  with  the  troops  under  general  Harrison — Tecum 
seh  slightly  wounded  in  the  arm — battle  on  the  Thames  on  the  5th  of 
October — Tecumseh's  death.  / 

SHORTLY  after  the  delivery  of  the  speech  quoted  in 
the  foregoing  chapter,  a  considerable  body  of  Indians 
abandoned  general  Proctor,  and  crossed  the  strait  to 
the  American  shore.  Tecumseh  himself  again  mani 
fested  a  disposition  to  take  his  final  leave  of  the  British 
service.  Embittered  by  the  perfidy  of  Proctor,  his  men 
suffering  from  want  of  clothes  and  provisions,  with  the 
prospect  of  a  disgraceful  flight  before  them,  he  was 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  191 

strongly  inclined  to  withdraw  with  his  followers;  and 
leave  the  American  general  to  chastise  in  a  summary 
manner  those  who  had  so  repeatedly  deceived  him 
and  his  Indian  followers.  The  Sioux  and  Chippewas, 
however,  again  objected  to  this  course.  They  could 
not,  they  said,  withdraw,  and  there  was  no  other  leader 
but  Tecumseh,  in  whom  they  placed  confidence :  they 
insisted  that  he  was  the  person  who  had  originally  in 
duced  them  to  join  the  British,  and  that  he  ought  not 
to  desert  them  in  the  present  extremity.  Tecumseh,  in 
reply  to  this  remonstrance  emarked,  that  the  battle 
field  had  no  terrors  for  him ;  he  feared  not  death,  and 
if  they  insisted  upon  it,  he  would  remain  with  them. 

General  Proctor  now  proposed  to  the  Indians  to  re 
move  their  women  and  children  to  McGee's,  opposite 
the  river  Rouge,  where  they  would  be  furnished  with 
their  winter's  clothing  and  the  necessary  supplies  of 
food.  To  this  proposition,  Tecumseh  yielded  a  reluc 
tant  assent ;  doubting,  as  he  did,  the  truth  of  the  state 
ment.  When  they  were  about  to  start,  he  observed  to 
young  Jim  Blue-Jacket,  "  we  are  now  going  to  follow 
the  British,  and  I  feel  well  assured,  that  we  shall  nev 
er  return."  When  they  arrived  at  McGee's,  Tecumseh 
found  that  there  were  no  stores  provided  for  them,  as 
had  been  represented.  Proctor  made  excuses ;  and 
again  pledged  himself  to  the  Indians,  that  if  they  would 
go  with  him  to  the  Thames,  they  would  there  find  an 
abundance  of  every  thing  needful  to  supply  their 
wants ;  besides  a  reinforcement  of  British  troops,  and  a 
fort  ready  for  their  reception.* 

The  retreat  was  continued  towards  the  Thames.  On 
the  second  of  October,  when  the  army  had  reached 
Dalson's  farm,  Proctor  and  Tecumseh,  attended  by  a 
small  guard,  returned  to  examine  the  ground  at  a  place 
called  Chatham,  where  a  deep,  unfordable  creek  falls 
into  the  Thames.  They  were  riding  together  in  a  gig, 
and  after  making  the  necessary  examination,  the  ground 
was  approved  of;  and  general  Proctor  remarked,  upon 
that  spot  they  would  either  defeat  general  Harrison  or 
there  lay  their  bones.  With  this  determination  Tecum- 

*  Anthony  Shane. 


192  LIFE    OP   TECUMSEH. 

seh  was  highly  pleased,  and  said,  "it  was  a  good  place, 
and  when  he  should  look  at  the  two  streams,  they 
would  remind  him  of  the  Wabash  and  the  Tippecanoe." 
Perhaps  no  better  position  could  have  been  chosen  for 
meeting  the  American  army  than  this  place  presented. 
The  allied  force  of  British  and  Indians,  had  they  madt 
a  stand  upon  it,  would  have  been  protected  in  front  by 
a  deep  unfordable  stream,  while  their  right  flank  would 
have  been  covered  by  the  Thames,  and  their  left  by  a 
swamp.  But  general  Proctor  changed  his  mind ;  and 
leaving  Tecumseh  with  a  body  of  Indians  to  defend 
the  passage  of  the  stream,  moved  forward  with  the 
main  army.  Tecumseh  made  a  prompt  and  judicious 
arrangement  of  his  forces :  but  it  is  said  that  his  Indi 
ans,  in  the  skirmish  which  ensued,  did  not  sustain  their 
previous  reputation  as  warriors.  It  is  probable,  how 
ever,  that  their  leader  did  not  intend  to  make  any  deci 
ded  resistance  to  the  American  troops  at  this  point,  not 
being  willing  that  general  Proctor  and  his  army  should 
escape  a  meeting  with  the  enemy.  In  this  action  Te 
cumseh  was  slightly  wounded  in  the  arm  by  a  ball 
General  Harrison,  in  his  official  report  of  this  affair 
says  : 

"Below  a  place  called  Chatham,  and  four  mile? 
above  Dalson's,  is  the  third  unfordable  branch  of  the 
Thames :  the  bridge  over  its  mouth  had  been  taken  up 
by  the  Indians,  as  well  as  that  at  M'Gregor's  mills. 
one  mile  above — several  hundred  of  the  Indians  re 
mained  to  dispute  our  passage,  and  upon  the  arrival  of 
the  advanced  guard,  commenced  a  heavy  fire  from  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  creek,  as  well  as  that  of  the  river 
Believing  that  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy  was  there, 
I  halted  the  army,  formed  in  order  of  battle,  and  brought 
up  our  two  six  pounders,  to  cover  the  party  that  were 
ordered  to  repair  the  bridge.  A  few  shot  from  these 
pieces  soon  drove  off  the  Indians,  and  enabled  us  in 
two  hours  to  repair  the  bridge  and  cross  the  troops. 
Colonel  Johnson's  mounted  regiment  being  upon  the 
right  of  the  army,  had  seized  the  remains  of  the  bridge 
at  the  mills,  under  a  heavy  fire;  from  the  Indians. 
Our  loss  upon  this  occasion  was  two  killed,  and  three 
or  four  wounded ;  that  of  the  enemy  was  ascertained 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  193 

to  be  considerably  greater.  A  house  near  the  bridge, 
containing  a  vcry  considerable  number  of  muskets,,  had 
been  set  on  fire;  but  it  was  extinguished  by  our  troops 
and  the  arms  saved." 

Tecumseh  and  his  party  overtook  the  main  army 
near  the  Moravian  towns,  situated  on  the  north  side  of 
the  Thames.  Here  he  resolved  that  he  would  retreat 
no  further ;  and  the  ground  being  favorable  for  form 
ing  the  line  of  battle,  he  communicated  his  determina 
tion  to  general  Proctor,  and  compelled  him,  as  there  is 
every  reason  for  believing,  to  put  an  end  to  his  retreat, 
and  prepare  for  meeting  the  pursuing  army.  After  the 
Indians  were  posted  in  the  swamp,  in  the  position  oc 
cupied  by  them  during  the  battle,  Tecumseh  remarked 
to  the  chiefs  by  whom  he  was  surrounded,  "  brother 
warriors!  we  are  now  about  to  enter  into  an  engage 
ment  from  which  I  shall  never  come  out — my  body 
will  remain  on  the  field  of  battle/'  He  then  unbuck 
led  his  sword,  and  placing  it  in  the  hands  of  one  of 
them,  said,  "when  my  son  becomes  a  noted  warrior, 
and  able  to  wield  a  sword,  give  this  to  him."  He  then 
laid  aside  his  British  military  dress,  and  took  his  place 
in  the  line,  clothed  only  in  the  ordinary  deer-skin  hunt 
ing  shirt.* 

The  position  selected  by  the  enemy  was,  eminently 
judicious.  The  British  troops,  amounting  to  eight  or 
nine  hundred,  were  posted  with  their  left  upon  the  riv 
er,  which  was  unfordable  at  that  point;  their  right 
extended  to  and  across  a  swamp,  and  united  them 
with  the  Indians,  under  Tecumseh,  amounting  to  near 
eighteen  hundred.  The  British  artillery  was  placed  in 
the  road  along  the  margin  of  the  river,  near  to  the  left 
of  their  line.  At  from  two  to  three  hundred  yards  from 
the  river,  a  swamp  extends  nearly  parallel  to  it,  the  in 
termediate  ground  being  dry.  This  position  of  the 
enemy,  with  his  flank  protected  on  the  left  by  the  river 
and  on  the  right  by  the  swamp,  filled  with  Indians, 
being  such  as  to  prevent  the  wings  from  being  turned, 
general  Harrison  made  arrangements  to  concentrate  his 
forces  against  the  British  line.  The  first  division,  under 

*  Anthony  Shane,  and  colonel  Baubee  of  the  British  array. 

R 


194  LIFE    OP    TECT7MSEH. 

major  general  Henry,  was  formed  in  three  lines  at  one 
hundred  yards  from  each  other ;  the  front  line  consist 
ing  of  Trotter's  brigade,  the  second  of  Chiles',  and  the 
reserve  of  King's  brigade.  These  lines  were  in  front 
of,  and  parallel  to,  the  British  troops.  The  second  di 
vision,  under  major  general  Desha,  composed  of  Allen's 
arid  Caldwell's  brigades,  was  formed  en  poience,  or  at 
right  angles  to  the  first  division.  Governor  Shelby,  as 
senior  major  general  of  the  Kentucky  troops,  was  post 
ed  at  this  crotchet,  formed  between  the  first  and  second 
divisions.  Colonel  Simrall's  regiment  of  light  infantry 
was  formed  in  reserve,  obliquely  to  the  first  division, 
and  covering  the  rear  of  the  front  division ;  and,  after 
much  reflection  as  to  the  disposition  to  be  made  of  colo 
nel  Johnson's  mounted  troops,  they  were  directed,  as 
soon  as  the  front  line  advanced,  to  take  ground  to  the 
left,  and  forming  upon  that  flank,  to  endeavor  to  turn 
the  right  of  the  Indians.  A  detachment  of  regular 
troops,  of  the  26th  United  States  infantry,  under  colo 
nel  Paul,  occupied  the  space  between  the  road  and  the 
river,  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  the  enemy's  artillery  j 
and,  simultaneously  with  this  movement,  forty  friendly 
Indians  were  to  pass  under  the  bank  of  the  stream  to 
the  rear  of  the  British  line,  and  by  their  fire  and  war- 
cry,  induce  the  enemy  to  think  their  own  Indians  were 
turning  against  them.  At  the  same  time,  colonel  Wood 
had  been  instructed  to  make  preparations  for  using  the 
enemy's  artillery,  and  to  rake  their  own  line  by  a  flank 
fire.  By  refusing  the  left  or  second  division,  the  Indi 
ans  were  kept  in  the  air,  that  is,  in  a  position  in  which 
they  would  be  useless.  It  will  be  seen,  as  the  com 
mander  anticipated,  that  they  waited  in  their  position 
the  advance  of  the  second  division,  while  the  British 
left  was  contending  with  the  American  right.  John 
son's  corps  consisted  of  nine  hundred  men,  and  the 
five  brigades  under  governor  Shelby  amounted  to  neai 
eighteen  hundred,  in  all,  not  exceeding  two  thousand 
seven  hundred  men. 

In  the  midst  of  these  arrangements,  and  just  as  the 
order  was  about  to  be  given  to  the  front  line  to  ad 
vance,  at  the  head  of  which  general  Harrison  had  pla 
ced  himself  with  his  staff,  colonel  Wood*approachec 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  195 

him  with  intelligence,  that  having  reconnoitered  the 
enemy,  he  had  ascertained  the  singular  fact,  that  the 
British  lines,  instead  of  the  usual  close  order,  were 
drawn  up  at  open  order.  This  fact  at  once  induced 
general  Harrison  to  adopt  the  novel  expedient  of  charg 
ing  the  British  lines  with  Johnson's  mounted  regiment. 
"  I  was  within  a  few  feet  of  him,"  says  the  gallant  col 
onel  John  0' Fallen,  «  when  the  report  of  colonel  Wood 
was  made,  and  he  instantly  remarked,  that  he  would 
make  a  novel  movement  by  ordering  colonel  Johnson's 
mounted  regiment  to  charge  the  British  line  of  regulars, 
which,  thus  drawn  up,  contrary  to  the  habits  and  usa 
ges  of  that  description  of  troops,  always  accustomed  to 
the  touch,  could  be  easily  penetrated  and  thrown  into 
confusion,  by  a  spirited  charge  of  colonel  Johnson's 
regiment."  This  determination  was  presently  made 
known  to  the  colonel,  who  was  directed  to  draw  up 
his  regiment  in  close  column,  with  its  right  fifty  yards 
from  the  road — that  it  might  be  partially  protected  by 
the  trees  from  the  artillery — its  left  upon  the  swamp, 
and  to  charge  at  full  speed  upon  the  enemy. 

At  this  juncture,  general  Harrison,  with  his  aids-de 
camp,  attended  likewise  by  general  Cass  and  commo 
dore  Perry,  advanced  from  the  right  of  the  front  line  of 
infantry,  to  the  right  of  the  front  column  of  mounted 
troops,  led  by  colonel  James  Johnson.  The  general, 
personally,  gave  the  direction  for  the  charge  to  be 
made.  «  When  the  right  battalion  of  the  mounted  men 
received  the  first  fire  of  the  British,  the  horses  in  the  front 
column  recoiled ;  another  fire  was  given  by  the  enemy, 
but  our  column  getting  in  motion,  broke  through  the 
enemy  with  irresistible  force.  In  one  minute  the  con 
test  was  over.  The  British  officers  seeing  no  prospect 
of  reducing  their  disordered  ranks  to  order,  and  seeing 
the  advance  of  the  infantry,  and  our  mounted  men 
wheeling  upon  them  and  pouring  in  a  destructive  fire, 
immediately  surrendered."* 

Colonel  Richard  M.  Johnson,  by  the  extension  of  his 
line,  was  brought  in  contact  with  the  Indians,  upon 
whom  he  gallantly  charged,  but  was  unfortunately  se- 

*  Official  Despatch. 


196  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

verely  wounded  by  the  first  fire  of  the  enemy,  and  was 
immediately  taken  off  the  field,  not,  however,  it  has 
been  stated,  until  he  had  despatched  an  Indian  by  a 
pistol  shot.  The  fire  of  the  Indians  having  made  some 
impression  upon  Johnson's  men,  and  upon  the  left  of 
Trotter's  brigade,  general  Harrison  despatched  an  order 
to  governor  Shelby  to  bring  up  Simrall's  regiment  to 
reinforce  the  point  pressed  by  the  Indians ;  and  then 
the  general  passed  to  the  left,  to  superintend  the  opera 
tions  in  that  quarter.  The  governor,  however,  had 
anticipated  the  wishes  of  his  commander,  being  in  the 
act  of  leading  up  the  regiment,  when  the  order  reached 
him.  He  and  the  general  met  near  the  crochet,  where 
after  a  severe  contest  of  several  minutes,  the  battle 
finally  ceased.  The  particulars  of  the  charge  made  by 
colonel  Johnson  on  the  Indians,  are  thus  given  by  an 
intelligent  officer*  of  his  corps.  In  a  letter  to  the  late 
governor  Wickliffe  of  Kentucky,  under  date  of  Frank 
fort,  September  7,  1840,  he  says: 

"I  was  at  the  head  or  right  of  my  company,  on 
horseback,  waiting  orders,  at  about  fifty  or  sixty  yards 
from  the  line  of  the  enemy.  Colonel  Johnson  rode  up 
and  explained  to  me  the  mode  of  attack,  and  said  in 
substance,  "captain  Davidson,  I  am  directed  by  general 
Harrison  to  charge  and  break  through  the  Indian  line, 
and  form  in  the  rear.  My  brother  James  will  charge 
in  like  manner  through  the  British  line  at  the  same 
time.  The  sound  of  the  trumpet  will  be  the  signal  for 
the  charge."  In  a  few  minutes  the  trumpet  sounded, 
and  the  word  "charge"  was  given  by  colonel  Johnson. 
The  colonel  charged  within  a  few  paces  of  me.  We 
struck  the  Indian  line  obliquely,  and  when  we  approach 
ed  within  ten  or  fifteen  yards  of  their  line,  the  Indians 
poured  in  a  heavy  fire  upon  us,  killing  ten  or  fifteen  of 
our  men  and  several  horses,  and  wounded  colonel  John 
son  very  severely.  He  immediately  retired.  Doctor 
Theobald,  of  Lexington,  (I  think)  aided  him  off." 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  battle  was  about 
twenty  killed  and  between  thirty  and  forty  wounded. 
The  British  had  eighteen  killed  and  twenty-six  wound- 


*  Captain  James  Davidson,  of  Kentucky. — See  Cincinnati  Republican. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  197 

ed.  The  Indians  left  on  the  ground  between  fifty  and 
sixty  killed ;  and,  estimating  the  usual  proportion  for 
the  wounded,  it  was  probably  more  than  double  that 
number. 

The  British  official  account  of  this  action  is  not  be 
fore  us.  In  a  general  order  under  date  of  Montreal, 
November  21,  1813,  the  adjutant  general  of  the  Eng 
lish  forces,  bears  testimony  to  the  good  conduct  of  the 
Indian  warriors,  who  gallantly  maintained  the  conflict 
under  the  brave  chief  Tecumseh.  This  tribute  to  the 
Indians  and  their  leader  is  well  merited.  Had  general 
Proctor  and  his  troops  fought  with  the  same  valor  that 
marked  the  conduct  of  Tecumseh  and  his  men,  the  re 
sults  of  the  day  would  have  been  far  more  creditable 
to  the  British  arms.  It  has  already  been  stated  that 
Tecumseh  entered  this  battle  with  a  strong  conviction 
on  his  mind  that  he  should  not  survive  it.  Further 
flight  he  deemed  disgraceful,  while  the  hope  of  victory 
in  the  impending  action,  was  feeble  and  distant.  He, 
however,  heroically  resolved  to  achieve  the  latter  or 
die  in  the  effort.  With  this  determination,  he  took  his 
stand  among  his  followers,  raised  the  war-cry  and  bold 
ly  met  the  enemy.  From  the  commencement  of  the 
attack  on  the  Indian  line,  his  voice  was  distinctly  heard 
by  his  followers,  animating  them  to  deeds  worthy  of 
the  race  to  which  they  belonged.  When  that  well 
known  voice  was  heard  no  longer  above  the  din  of 
arms,  the  battle  ceased.  The  British  troops  having 
already  surrendered,  and  the  gallant  leader  of  the  In 
dians  having  fallen,  they  gave  up  the  contest  and  fled. 
A  short  distance  from  where  Tecumseh  fell,  the  body 
of  his  friend  and  brother-in-law,  Wasegoboah,  was 
found.  They  had  often  fought  side  by  side,  and  now, 
in  front  of  thek  men,  bravely  battling  the  enemy,  they 
side  by  side  closed  their  mortal  career.'* 

James,  a  British  historian,!  in  his  account  of  the  bat 
tle  of  the  Thames,  makes  the  following  remarks  upon 
the  character  and  personal  appearance  of  Tecumseh. 

"  Thus  fell  the  Indian  warrior  Tecumseh,  in  the  44th 
year  of  his  age.  He  was  of  the  Shawanoe  tribe,  five 

*  Anthony  Shane,  f  Military  Occurrences  of  the  Late  War. 

R  2 


198  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

feet  ten  inches  high,  and  with  more  than  the  usual 
stoutness,  possessed  all  the  agility  and  perseverance  of 
the  Indian  character.  His  carriage  was  dignified,  his 
eye  penetrating,  his  countenance,  which  even  in  death, 
betrayed  the  indications  of  a  lofty  spirit,  rather  of  the 
sterner  cast.  Had  he  not  possessed  a  certain  austerity 
of  manners,  he  could  never  have  controlled  the  way 
ward  passions  of  those  who  followed  him  to  battle. 
He  was  of  a  silent  habit ;  but  when  his  eloquence  be 
came  roused  into  action  by  the  reiterated  encroach 
ments  of  the  Americans,  his  strong  intellect  could  sup 
ply  him  with  a  flow  of  oratory  that  enabled  him,  as  he 
governed  in  the  field,  so  to  prescribe  in  the  council. 
Those  who  consider  that  in  all  territorial  questions,  the 
ablest  diplomatists  of  the  United  States  are  sent  to 
negociate  with  the  Indians,  will  readily  appreciate  the 
loss  sustained  by  the  latter  in  the  death  of  their  cham 
pion.  *  *  *  *  Such  a  man  was  the  unlettered 
savage,  Tecumseh,  and  such  a  man  have  the  Indians 
lost  forever.  He  has  left  a  son,  who,  when  his  father 
fell,  was  about  seventeen  years  old,  and  fought  by  his 
side.  The  prince  regent,  in  1814,  out  of  respect  to  the 
memory  of  the  old,  sent  out  as  a  present  to  the  young, 
Tecumseh,  a  handsome  sword.  Unfortunately,  how 
ever,  for  the  Indian  cause  and  country,  faint  are  the 
prospects  that  Tecumseh  the  son,  will  ever  equal,  in 
wisdom  or  prowess,  Tecumseh  the  father." 

Mr.  James  (p.  295,)  asserts,  that  Tecumseh  was  not 
only  scalped,  but  that  his  body  was  actually  flayed,  and 
the  skin  converted  into  razor-straps  by  the  Kentuckians. 
We  fear  there  is  too  much  truth  in  this  statement.  It 
is  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  several  American 
officers  and  privates,  who  were  in  the  battle  of  the 
Thames.  It  is  painful  to  make  an  admission  of  this 
kind,  but  truth  forbids  the  suppression  of  a  fact,  when 
fairly  established,  however  revolting  to  the  feelings  of 
humanity,  or  degrading  to  a  people.  That  there  was 
any  general  participation  of  our  troops  in  this  inhuman 
and  revolting  deed,  is  riot  for  a  moment  to  be  suppos 
ed.  That  it  was  the  act  of  a  few  vulgar  and  brutish 
individuals,  is,  we  think,  just  as  certain,  as  that  the 
great  mass  of  the  army  were  shocked  at  its  perpetra- 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  199 

tion.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  names  of  the  per 
sons  who  committed  this  outrage  have  not  been  pre 
served,  that  their  conduct  on  this  occasion  might  have 
been  held  up  to  universal  condemnation. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Critical  examination  of  the  question  "  who  killed  Tecumseh  1" — colonel 
R.  M.  Johnson's  claim  considered. 

TECUMSEH  was  a  determined  and  subtle  enemy  of 
the  United  States,  and  during  the  palmy  days  of  his 
bold  career,  wielded  an  influence  over  the  north-west 
ern  Indians  which  belonged  to  no  other  chief.  His 
death  was  consequently  an  important  circumstance  in 
relation  to  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  frontiers.  But 
whether  he  fell  by  a  pistol  shot  from  a  field  officer,  or 
a  rifle  ball  from  a  private  soldier,  however  interesting 
as  a  matter  of  personal  history,  is  certainly  not  one  of 
national  importance.  Nevertheless,  the  question  by 
whose  hands  he  fell,  has  engaged  public  attention  to 
some  considerable  extent  ever  since  the  memorable 
battle  of  the  Thames.  Its  discussion  has  not  been  con 
fined  to  the  immediate  friends  of  the  several  aspirants 
for  the  honor  of  having  slain  this  distinguished  war 
rior;  it  has  enlivened  the  political  canvass,  and  the 
halls  of  legislation ;  occupied  the  columns  of  journals 
and  magazines,  and  filled  no  inconsiderable  space  on 
the  pages  of  American  and  British  histories.  Under 
such  circumstances,  and  as  directly  connected  with  the 
present  biography,  a  fair  presentation  of  all  the  testi 
mony  bearing  on  the  case  will  now  be  attempted.  It 
may  at  least  gratify  the  public  curiosity,  if  it  do  not 
definitively  settle  the  long  pending  question  in  relation 
to  the  actual  slayer  of  Tecumseh. 

M'Affee,  in  his  History  of  the  Late  War,  says,  Te 
cumseh"  was  found  among  the  dead,  at  the  point  where 
colonel  Johnson  had  charged  upon  the  enemy,  in  per 
son,  and  it  is  generally  believed,  that  this  celebrated 


200  LIFE    OF    'JECUMSEH. 

chief  fell  by  the  hand  of  the  colonel.  It  is  certain  that 
the  latter  killed  the  Indian  with  his  pistol,  who  shot 
him  through  his  hand,  at  the  very  spot  where  Tecum- 
seh  lay ;  but  another  dead  body  lay  at  the  same  place, 
and  Mr.  King,  a  soldier  in  captain  Davidson's  compa 
ny,  had  the  honor  of  killing  one  of  them." 

Brown,  in  his  history  of  the  same  war,  says,  that 
"colonel  Johnson,  after  receiving  four  wounds,  per 
ceived  the  daring  Tecumseh  commanding  and  attempt 
ing  to  rally  his  savage  force ;  when  he  instantly  put  his 
horse  towards  him,  and  was  shot  by  Tecumseh  in  the 
hand,  as  he  approached  him.  Tecumseh  advanced 
with  a  drawn  weapon,  a  sword  or  tomahawk,  at  which 
instant  the  colonel,  having  reserved  his  fire,  shot  his 
ferocious  antagonist  dead  at  his  feet ;  and  that  too,  at 
the  moment  he  was  almost  fainting  with  the  loss  of 
blood  and  the  anguish  of  five  wounds." 

The  statement  of  Shawbeneh,  a  Potawatamie  chief, 
lately  published  in  the  "  Chicago  Democrat,"  goes  to 
prove  that  Tecumseh  was  wounded  in  the  neck ;  and 
telling  his  warriors  that  he  must  die,  rushed  forward  to 
kill  colonel  Johnson.  Shawbeneh  saw  him  fall,  having 
been  shot  by  the  colonel,  just  as  his  arm  had  reached 
the  necessary  height  to  strike  the  fatal  blow.  Shaw 
beneh  says  that  colonel  Johnson  was  riding  a  large 
white  horse,  with  occasionally  a  jet  black  spot.  He 
further  states  that  Tecumseh's  body  was  not  mutilated 
by  the  American  troops. 

The  testimony  of  another  Potawatamie  chief,  Cham- 
blee,  as  furnished  us  by  captain  Robert  Anderson,  of  the 
U.  S.  army,  is  to  this  effect : 

He  saw  Tecumseh  engaged  in  a  personal  rencontre 
with  a  soldier  armed  with  a  musket;  that  the  latter 
made  a  thrust  at  the  chief,  who  caught  the  bayonet  un 
der  his  arm,  where  he  held  it,  and  was  in  the  act  of 
striking  his  opponent  with  his  tomahawk,  when  a 
horseman  rode  up,  and  shot  Tecumseh  dead  with  a 
pistol.  The  horseman  had  a  red  feather,  (plume)  in 
his  hat,  and  was  mounted  on  a  spotted  or  red-roan 
horse  ;  he  further  says,  that  he  saw  the  body  of  Tecum 
seh  a  day  or  two  after  the  battle,  and  that  it  was  not 
mutilated. 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  201 

In  a  work  entitled  "  History  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of 
North  America,"  there  is  the  following  note  : 

"  A  Potawatamie  chief  was  thus  questioned  :  Were 
you  at  the  battle  of  the  Thames  ?  Yes.  Did  you  know 
Tecumseh  ?  Yes.  Were  you  near  him  in  the  fight  ? 
Yes.  Did  you  see  him  fall  ?  Yes.  Who  shot  him  ? 
Don't  know.  Did  you  see  the  man  that  shot  him? 
Yes.  What  sort  of  looking  man  was  he  ?  Short,  thick 
man.  What  color  was  the  horse  he  rode  ?  Most  white. 
How  do  you  know  this  man  shot  Tecumseh  ?  I  saw 
the  man  ride  up — saw  his  horse  get  tangled  in  some 
bushes — when  the  horse  was  most  still,  I  saw  Tecum 
seh  level  his  rifle  at  the  man  and  shoot — the  man 
shook  on  his  horse — soon  the  horse  got  out  of  the 
bushes,  and  the  man  spurred  him  up — horse  came  slow 
— Tecumseh  right  before  him — man's  left  hand  hung 
down — just  as  he  got  near,  Tecumseh  lifted  his  toma 
hawk  and  was  going  to  throw  it,  when  the  man  shot 
him  with  a  short  gun  (pistol) — Tecumseh  fell  dead  and 
we  all  ran." 

Mr.  Garrett  Wall,  of  Kentucky,  who  participated  in 
the  battle  of  the  Thames,  says  : 

" The  men  by  this  time  had  collected  in  groups ; 

and  it  was  remarked  that  colonel  R.  M.  Johnson  was 
dead,  but  I  contradicted  the  report ;  also,  that  the  great 
Indian  commander,  Tecumseh,  was  slain ;  I  asked  by 
what  authority  ?  I  was  told  that  Anthony  Shane,  who 
had  known  him  from  a  small  boy,  said  so,  and  had 
seen  him  among  the  slain.  In  a  short  time  I  saw 
Shane  with  a  small  group  of  men,  walking  towards  a 
|  dead  Indian  ;  as  he  approached  the  body,  I  asked  him 
if  he  knew  that  Indian.  He  said  it  was,  in  his  opin- 
i  ion,  Tecumseh ;  but  he  could  tell  better  if  the  blood 
was  taken  from  his  face.  I  examined  the  Indian.  He 
was  shot  in  the  left  side  of  the  breast  with  several  balls 
or  buck  shot,  all  entering  near  and  above  the  left  nip- 
'  pie.  There  was  also  a  wound  in  his  head,  too  small 
for  a  rifle  ball  to  make." 

Atwater,  in  his  History  of  Ohio,  remarks,  that  two 
Winnebago  chiefs,  Four-Legs  and  Carymauriee,  told 
him,  that  Tecumseh,  at  the  commencement  of  the  battle 
of  the  Thames,  lay  with  his  warriors  in  a  thicket  of 


202  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

underbrush  on  the  left  of  the  American  army,  and  that 
they  were,  at  no  period  of  the  battle,  out  of  their  covert 
— that  no  officer  was  seen  between  them  and  the  Amer 
ican  troops — that  Tecumseh  fell  the  very  first  fire  of 
the  Kentucky  dragoons,  pierced  by  thirty  bullets,  and 
was  carried  four  or  five  miles  into  the  thick  woods  and 
there  buried  by  the  warriors,  who  told  the  story  of  his 
fate. 

In  1838,  a  writer  in  the  Baltimore  American  pub 
lished  Black  Hawk's  account  of  the  fall  of  Tecumseh. 
It  is  as  follows  : 

" Shortly  after  this,  the  Indian  spies  came  in 

and  gave  word  of  the  near  approach  of  the  Americans. 
Tecumseh  immediately  posted  his  men  in  the  edge  of  a 
swamp,  which  flanked  the  British  line,  placing  himself 
at  their  head.  I  was  a  little  to  his  right  with  a  small 
party  of  Sauks.  It  was  riot  long  before  the  Americans 
made  their  appearance ;  they  did  not  perceive  us  at 
first,  hid  as  we  were  by  the  undergrowth,  but  we  soon 
let  them  know  where  we  were,  by  pouring  in  one  or 
two  vollies  as  they  were  forming  into  line  to  oppose 
the  British.  They  faltered  a  little ;  but  very  soon  we 
perceived  a  large  body  of  horse  (colonel  Johnson's  re 
giment  of  mounted  Kentuckians)  preparing  to  charge 
upon  us  in  the  swamp.  They  came  bravely  on ;  yet 
we  never  stirred  until  they  were  so  close  that  we  could 
see  the  flints  in  their  guns,  when  Tecumseh,  springing 
to  his  feet,  gave  the  Shawanoe  war-cry,  and  discharged 
his  rifle.  This  was  the  signal  for  us  to  commence  the 
battle, but  it  did  not  last  long;  the  Americans  answered 
the  shout,  returning  our  fire,  and  at  the  first  discharge 
of  their  guns,  I  saw  Tecumseh  stagger  forwards  over  a 
fallen  tree,  near  which  he  was  standing,  letting  his  rifle 
drop  at  his  feet.  As  soon  as  the  Indians  discovered 
that  he  was  killed,  a  sudden  fear  came  over  them,  and 
thinking  the  Great  Spirit  was  angry,  they  fought  no 
longer,  and  were  quickly  put  to  flight.  That  night  we 
returned  to  bury  our  dead ;  and  search  for  the  body  of 
Tecumseh.  He  was  found  lying  where  he  had  first 
fallen;  a  bullet  had  struck  him  above  the  hip,  and  his 
skull  had  been  broken  by  the  butt  end  of  the  gun  of 
some  soldier,  who  had  found  him,  perhaps,  when  life 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH,  203 

was  not  yet  quite  gone.  With  the  exception  of  these 
wounds,  his  body  was  untouched :  lying  near  him  was 
a  large  fine  looking  Potawatamie,  who  had  been  killed, 
decked  off  in  his  plumes  and  war-paint,  whom  the 
Americans  no  doubt  had  taken  for  Tecumseh,  for  he 
was  scalped  and  every  particle  of  skin  flayed  from  his 
body.  Tecumseh  himself  had  no  ornaments  about  his 
person,  save  a  British  medal.  During  the  night,  we 
buried  our  dead,  and  brought  off  the  body  of  Tecum 
seh,  although  we  were  in  sight  of  the  fires  of  the  Ame 
rican  camp." 

James,  a  British  historian,*  after  describing  the  battle 
of  the  Thames,  remarks  : 

"  It  seems  extraordinary  that  general  Harrison  should 
have  omitted  to  mention  in  his  letter,  the  death  of  a 
chief,  whose  fall  contributed  so  largely  to  break  down 
the  Indian  spirit,  and  to  give  peace  and  security  to  the 
whole  north-western  frontier  of  the  United  States.  Te 
cumseh,  although  he  had  received  a  musket  ball  in  the 
left  arm,  was  still  seeking  the  hottest  of  the  fire,  when 
ne  encountered  colonel  Richard  M.  Johnson,  member 
of  congress  from  Kentucky.  Just  as  the  chief,  having 
discharged  his  rifle,  was  rushing  forward  with  his  tom 
ahawk,  he  received  a  ball  in  the  head  from  the  colo 
nel's  pistol.  Thus  fell  the  Indian  warrior,  Tecumseh, 
in  the  forty-fourth  year  of  his  age.*  *****  Thp 
body  of  Tecumseh  was  recognized,  not  only  by  the 
British  officers,  who  were  prisoners,  but  by  commodore 
Perry,  and  several  American  officers/' 

This  writer  adds,  that  Tecumseh  was  scalped  and  his 
body  flayed  by  the  Kentuckians. 

In  Butler's  History  of  Kentucky,  there  is  a  letter 
from  the  reverend  Obediah  B.  Brown,  of  Washington 
city,  then  a  clerk  in  the  general  post-office,  under  date 
of  18th  September,  1834,  in  which  the  writer  says,  in 
substance : 

That  colonel  Johnson,  while  leading  the  advance  up 
on  the  left  wing  of  the  Indians,  saw  an  Indian  com 
mander,  who  appeared  to  be  a  rallying  point  for  his 

*  "  Military  Occurrences  of  the  Late  War  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States,  by  William  James,  2  vols.  London,  1818." 


204  LIFE    OF   TECUMSEH. 

savage  companions,  and  whose  costume  indicatea  the 
superiority  of  his  rank ;  that  colonel  Johnson,  sitting 
upon  his  horse,  covered  with  wounds  and  very  faint 
with  the  loss  of  blood,  and  having  a  pistol  in  his  right 
hand  loaded  with  a  ball  and  three  buck-shot,  thought 
that  the  fate  of  the  battle  depended  upon  killing  this 
formidable  chief,  and  he  accordingly  rode  round  a  fallen 
tree  for  this  purpose ;  that  the  chief,  perceiving  his  ap 
proach,  levelled  his  rifle  and  shot  the  colonel  in  the  left 
hand ;  that  the  colonel  continued  to  advance  upon  him, 
and  at  the  moment  when  the  Indian  was  raising  his 
tomahawk,  shot  him  dead  with  his  pistol ;  that  this 
deed  spread  consternation  among  the  savages,  and  with 
hideous  yells,  they  began  from  that  point  their  retreat ; 
that  as  soon  as  the  battle  ended,  the  Indian  killed  by 
colonel  Johnson  was  recognized  as  Tecumseh ;  and  be 
fore  the  colonel  had  so  far  recovered  from  the  effects  of 
his  wounds  as  to  be  able  to  speak,  word  ran  through 
the  army  that  he  had  killed  Tecumseh ;  and  finally, 
that  a  medal  was  taken  from  the  body  which  was 
known  to  have  been  presented  to  this  chief  by  the 
British  government.  Mr.  Brown  further  states,  that  a 
conversation  which  he  had  with  Anthony  Shane,  some 
years  since,  strengthened  his  belief  that  Tecumseh  fell 
by  the  hand  of  colonel  Johnson ;  that  Shane  told  him 
he  went,  after  the  battle,  to  the  spot  where  it  was  re 
ported  the  colonel  had  killed  an  Indian,  and  there  he 
saw  the  dead  body  of  Tecumseh,  and  that  he  must 
have  been  killed  by  a  horseman,  as  a  ball  and  three 
buck-shot  had  entered  the  breast  and  passed  down 
wards  ;  that  he  could  not  be  mistaken  as  to  the  body 
of  Tecumseh,  as  he  had  a  remarkable  scar  upon  his 
thigh,  which,  upon  examination,  was  found  as  he  had 
described  it. 

By  recurring  to  the  foregoing  statements,  it  will  be 
seen  that  eight  Indians  have  borne  testimony  in  relation 
to  the  death  of  Tecumseh.  Of  these,  four  assert  that 
he  was  killed  by  the  first  fire  from  the  American  line; 
and  four  that  he  fell  by  the  hands  of  a  horseman,  some 
time  after  the  commencement  of  the  action.  One  of 
these  witnesses  states  that  Tecumseh  was  shot  in  the 
neck ;  another,  that  he  was  hit  above  or  in  the  eyes ; 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  205 

two  others  that  he  was  killed  by  a  ball  in  the  hip ;  and 
again  two  others,  that  he  wa's  pierced  by  thirty  bullets 
on  the  first  fire  of  our  troops.  Three  of  these  witness 
es  testify  that  the  body  of  the  fallen  chief  was  mutila 
ted  by  taking  the  skin  from  off  the  thigh,  and  three 
that  it  was  not.  One  of  them  saw  the  body  the  clay 
after  the  action,  lying  on  the  battle  ground ;  a  second 
bears  witness  that  it  was  buried  on  the  spot  the  night 
of  the  battle ;  and  a  third,  that  it  was  carried  four  or 
five  miles  into  the  woods,  and  there  interred.  A  fur 
ther  examination  of  the  testimony  will  show  that  these 
eight  witnesses  concur  but  in  one  single  point, — that 
Tecumseh  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  the  Thames.  As 
to  the  nature  of  his  wounds,  the  mutilation  of  his  body, 
the  time  when,  the  spot  where,  and  by  whose  hands,  he 
fell,  these  various  statements  are  wholly  irreconcilable 
with  each  other,  and  leave  the  main  question  involved 
in  additional  doubt  and  obscurity. 

As  the  claim  of  colonel  Johnson  to  the  honor 
of  having  killed  Tecumseh,  has  been  recently  and 
earnestly  urged,  upon  ,  the  public  consideration,  we 
propose,  even  at  the  risk  of  some  repetition,  to  ex 
amine  in  detail  the  testimony  which  bears  upon  this 
point. 

It  will  be  recollected  that  the  Potawatamie  chief, 
whose  narrative  is  quoted  from  the  "  History  of  the  In 
dian  Tribes  of  North  America,"  testifies  that  Tecumseh 
met  his  death  by  a  wound  above  or  in  the  eyes  ;  and, 
that  upon  his  fall  the  Indians  ran.  If  these  statements 
be  true,  Tecumseh  could  not  have  been  killed  by  colo 
nel  Johnson,  as  will  be  satisfactorily  established  in  the 
course  of  this  examination. 

Shawbeneh,  another  Potawatamie  chief,  states  that 
Tecumseh  was  mortally  wounded  in  the  neck,  before 
he  rushed  upon  the  individual  who  killed  him.  All 
the  other  witnesses,  except  one,  say  that  Tecumseh  re 
mained  stationary,  and  that  the  horseman  who  fired 
the  fatal  shot,  advanced  upon  him. 

Chamblee,  the  third  Potawatamie  who  testifies  in 
the  case,  states  that  Tecumseh  was  engaged  in  a  per 
sonal  conflict  with  a  soldier  armed  with  a  musket,  when 
a  horseman,  on  a  spotted  horse,  rode  up  and  shot  him 

S 


206  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

dead  with  a  pistol.  This  account  is  not  sustained  by 
any  other  witness. 

Captain  M'Affee,  who  belonged  to  the  mounted  regi 
ment,  and  who  has  written  a  history  of  the  late  war, 
says,  it  is  generally  believed  that  Tecumseh  fell  by  the 
hand  of  colonel  Johnson ;  but  the  historian  candidly 
admits  that  there  was  another  dead  Indian  at  the  spot 
where  Tecumseh  lay,  and  that  Mr.  King,  of  captain 
Davidson's  company,  killed  one  of  them.  It  may  be 
questioned  whether  there  is  or  ever  has  been  any  gen 
eral  belief, — whatever  vague  reports  may  have  been 
circulated, — that  colonel  Johnson  killed  this  chief ;  but 
even  if  such  were  the  case,  it  does  not  by  any  means 
establish  the  allegation. 

Brown,  another  historian  of  the  late  war,  says,  in 
general  terms,  that  Tecumseh  advanced  upon  the  colo 
nel  with  a  sword  or  tomahawk,  and  that  the  colonel 
shot  him  dead.  Tecumseh  wore  no  sword  in  that  ac 
tion,  nor  did  he  advance  upon  colonel  Johnson.  Mr. 
Brown  cites  no  authorities  for  his  loose  and  general 
statements. 

Garrett  Wall  testifies  that  he  went  to  the  spot  where 
he  was  told  colonel  Johnson  had  fought,  and  there 
questioned  Anthony  Shane  about  the  dead  Indian  be 
fore  them.  Shane  remarked  that  he  could  tell  better 
whether  it  was  Tecumseh,  if  the  blood  was  washed 
from  the  face.  It  does  not  appear  that  this  was  done, 
nor  that  Shane  became  satisfied  as  to  the  identity  of 
the  dead  Indian.  Mr.  Wall  infers  that  Tecumseh  fell 
by  a  shot  from  colonel  Johnson,  because  it  was  so  re 
ported,  and  because  they  both  led  their  warriors  to  the 
charge,  and  the  desire  of  victory  brought  them  together. 
Mr.  Wall  cites  no  evidence  to  prove  that  the  body  over 
which  Shane  was  doubting,  fell  by  the  colonel — a  link 
in  the  chain  of  testimony,  altogether  important  in  mak 
ing  out  his  case. 

The  Rev.  Obediah  B.  Brown,  however,  at  Washing 
ton,  is  by  far  the  most  precise  in  his  statements,  of  all 
the  witnesses.  But  it  is  proper,  before  entering  upon 
the  examination  of  his  testimony,  to  state  that  he  was 
not  at  the  battle  of  the  Thames ;  and  that  his  letter,  in 
regard  to  Tecumseh's  death,  was  written  in  1834,  more 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  207 

than  twenty  years  after  the  action  was  Ibught,  and 
upon  the  eve  of  a  political  campaign,  in  which  his 
friend,  colonel  Johnson,  was  an  aspirant  for  a  high  and 
honorable  office.  Mr.  Brown,  it  is  further  proper  to 
add,  derived  his  information  from  "several  persons," 
but  he  has  inadvertently  omitted  the  names  of  all  but 
one. 

He  commences  by  saying,  that  colonel  Johnson  saw 
an  Indian  known  to  be  a  chief  by  his  costume.  Now 
it  has  been  already  shown  that  Tecumseh  entered  the 
action  dressed  in  the  plain  deer-skin  garb  of  his  tribe, 
having  nothing  about  him  which  would  indicate  his 
rank.  The  colonel  thought,  continues  Mr.  B.,  that  the 
fate  of  the  day  depended  upon  the  fall  of  this  chief. 
The  question  might  be  asked  whether  the  thoughts 
of  colonel  Johnson,  at  this  particular  juncture,  became 
known  to  the  witness  by  a  logical  process  of  ratiocina 
tion,  or  by  a  direct  personal  communication  from  his 
distinguished  friend  ?  He  states  further,  that  the  colonel 
rode  up  within  a  few  feet  of  the  chief,  received  his  fire, 
and  then  shot  him  dead  with  his  pistol.  This  act,  says 
the  witness,  caused  the  savages  to  retreat  in  consterna 
tion  :  now,  the  fact  is  well  established,  that  the  Indians, 
at  this  very  point,  fought  bravely  for  twenty  or  twenty- 
five  minutes  after  colonel  Johnson  was  compelled,  by 
his  wounds,  to  leave  the  scene  of  action :  it  is  further 
stated  by  Mr.  B.  that  before  the  colonel  was  so  far  re 
covered  from  his  wounds,  as  to  be  able  to  speak,  it  ran 
through  the  army  that  he  had  killed  Tecumseh.  Mr. 
Wall,  who  was  in  the  action,  says,  that  after  colonel 
Johnson  had  retired  from  the  contest,  and  was  lifted 
from  his  horse, he  said  to  those  around  him,  "my  brave 
men,  the  battle  continues,  leave  me,  and  do  not  return 
until  you  bring  me  an  account  of  the  victory."  Thus 
it  would  seem  that  the  colonel,  within  a  few  minutes 
after  receiving  his  last  wound,  was  giving  orders  to  his 
men,  and  in  the  mean  time,  according  to  Mr.  B.,  "  word 
ran  through  the  army  that  he  had  killed  Tecumseh." 
This  is  more  remarkable,  when  it  is  recollected,  that 
the  only  person,  except  the  commanding  general,  who 
could  identify  the  fallen  chief,  was  Anthony  Shane, 
and  he  was  in  a  different  part  of  the  field,  (on  the  bank 


208  LIFE    OP   TECUMSEH. 

of  the  Thames)  and  did  not  visit  this  part  of  the  Jine 
until  the  action  was  entirely  over!  The  witness  fur 
ther  states,  that  no  other  chief  of  high  rank  was  killed 
in  this  part  of  the  line,  but  Tecumseh.  Anthony  Shane 
says  that  Tecumseh's  brother-in-law,  and  principal 
chief,  Wasegoboah,  was  killed  ten  or  fifteen  steps  from 
where  Tecumseh  fell.  Black  Hawk  also  testifies,  that 
near  Tecumseh,  there  was  lying  a  large,  fine  looking 
Potawatamie,  decked  off  in  his  plumes  and  war-paint, 
whom  the  Americans  mistook  for  Tecumseh.  Mr.  B. 
says  that  a  medal  was  taken  from  the  body  of  the  In 
dian  killed  by  colonel  Johnson,  which  was  known  to 
have  been  presented  by  the  British  government  to 
Tecumseh.  Where  is  the  authority  for  this?  When 
Shane  was  examining  the  body,  and  so  much  in  doubt 
whether  it  was  Tecumseh  as  to  require  the  blood  to  be 
washed  from  the  face,  before  he  could  decide  with  cer 
tainty,  where  was  this  medal,  which  of  itself  would 
have  settled  the  question  of  identity?  It  is  singular, 
that  neither  Shane  nor  Wall  speaks  of  a  medal.  Mr. 
B.  says  that  Tecumseh  was  killed  by  a  ball  and  three 
buckshot,  fired  by  a  horseman,  and  as  colonel  Johnson 
was  the  only  person  in  that  part  of  the  battle  who 
fought  on  horseback,  his  pistols  being  loaded  with 
a  ball  and  three  buckshot,  settles  the  question,  that 
the  colonel  killed  Tecumseh.  Again,  the  question  may 
be  asked,  how  Mr.  B.  knows  the  fact  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  these  pistols  were  loaded  ?  And  if  they  were 
so  loaded,  who  can  say  whether  the  chief  was  killed  by 
this  shot,  the  wound  in  the  eyes,  that  in  the  neck,  or 
the  one  in  the  hip  ?  But  again ;  colonel  Johnson  was 
not  the  only  person  who  fought  on  horseback  in  this 
part  of  the  battle.  He  led  a  «  forlorn  hope"  of  twenty 
men,  all  mounted ;  while  on  his  left  was  Davidson's 
company  of  one  hundred  and  forty  men,  also  on  horse 
back.  Mr.  Wall,  who  was  one  of  the  "  forlorn  hope," 
says,  "the  fighting  became  very  severe,  each  party 
mingling  with  the  other."  Finally,  Mr.  B.  closes  his 
testimony  with  the  remark,  that  it  was  well  known 
and  acknowledged,  by  the  British  and  Indians,  at  the 
time,  that  Tecumseh  received  his  death  from  the  hand 
of  colonel  Johnson,  as  appears  by  James'  History  of 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH,  209 

the  Late  War.  It  is  stated  by  the  historian  here  cited, 
that  colonel  Johnson  shot  Tecumseh  in  the  head — that 
the  body  was  recognized  not  only  by  the  British  officers 
who  were  prisoners,  but  by  commodore  Perry  and 
several  other  American  officers:  Mr.  James  also  ex 
presses  his  surprise  that  general  Harrison  should  have 
omitted,  in  his  official  letter  to  the  War  Department,  to 
mention  the  death  of  this  chief.  Now,  we  have  the 
authority  of  several  American  officers,  of  high  rank, 
for  stating,  that  these  British  officers  were  not,  on  the 
evening  of  the  day  on  which  the  action  was  fought,  in 
that  part  of  the  line  where  Tecumseh  fell;  and  that 
early  on  the  ensuing  morning,  they  were  taken  to  a 
house  two  miles  below  the  battle  ground,  and  from 
thence  to  Detroit,  without  returning  to  the  scene  of 
their  defeat.  Mr.  James  is,  therefore,  incorrect  on  this 
point,  as  he  certainly  is,  in  saying  that  commodore 
Perry  and  other  American  officers  recognized  the  body 
of  Tecumseh.  The  commodore  had  never  seen  this 
chief  prior  to  the  afternoon  of  the  battle  in  which  he 
fell.  General  Harrison,  it  is  believed,  was  the  only 
American  officer  in  the  engagement,  who  had  a  per 
sonal  knowledge  of  Tecumseh.  The  day  after  the 
battle,  the  general,  attended  by  several  of  his  officers, 
visited  the  battle  ground.  The  body  of  the  Indian, 
supposed  to  be  that  of  Tecumseh,  was  pointed  out  to 
him,  but  owing  to  its  swollen  condition,  he  was  unable 
to  say  whether  it  was  Tecumseh,  or  a  Potawatamie 
chief,  who  usually  visited  Vincennes  in  company  with 
him :  he  felt  confident  it  was  one  of  the  two,  but.  fur 
ther  than  this  could  not  pronounce  with  certainty. 
Mr.  James  and  Anthony  Shane  are  Mr.  Brown's  chief 
witnesses.  The  first  states  that  Tecumseh  was  shot 
with  a  musket  ball  in  the  arm,  and  finally  killed  by  a 
ball  in  the  head  from  colonel  Johnson's  pistol :  the  se 
cond  testifies  that  he  fell  by  a  ball  and  three  buckshot 
which  entered  his  left  breast,  and  that  he  was  wound 
ed  in  no  other  part :  the  former  says  that  Tecumseh's 
body  was  literally  flayed — the  latter,  that  only  a  small 
piece  of  skin  was  cut  from  one  of  his  thighs.*  It  re- 

*  See  James'  Military  Occurrences,  and  Anthony  Shane's  Narrative, 
s  2 


210  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

mains  for  Mr.  Brown  to  reconcile  these  glaring  dis 
crepancies  in  the  testimony  of  his  own  witnesses.  If 
this  dissection  of  Mr.  Brown's  elaborated  letter,  pre 
sents  him  more  in  the  light  of  the  partizan  advocate 
than  the  faithful  historian,  we  are  not  responsible  for 
it ;  and  if  he  has  failed  to  establish  the  fact  that  colonel 
Johnson  killed  Tecumseh,  he  must  probably  look  for 
the  reason  of  that  failure  in  the  weakness  of  his  claims, 
rather  than  in  any  lack  of  zeal  in  advocating  the  colo- 
nePs  cause. 

Our  analysis  of  the  testimony  which  has  at  different 
times  been  brought  before  the  public,  tending  to  estab 
lish  the  supposition  that  Tecumseh  fell  by  the  hands  of 
colonel  Johnson,  is  now  closed;  and  we  think  it  will 
be  admitted,  in  reviewing  the  case,  that  the  claims  of 
the  colonel  have  not  been  satisfactorily  established, 
either  by  direct  or  circumstantial  evidence.  But  we 
have  further  testimony  to  offer  on  this  point. 

It  is  proved  by  a  number  of  witnesses,  and  among 
them  several  who  are  relied  upon  to  establish  the  fact, 
that  colonel  Johnson  killed  Tecumseh,  that  upon  the 
fall  of  this  chief,  the  action  ceased  and  the  Indians  fled. 

Even  the  reverend  Mr.  Brown  admits  such  to  have 
been  the  case.  Now,  we  propose  to  show  that  colonel 
Johnson  was  wounded  and  retired  from  the  scene  of. 
action  at  its  commencement ;  and  that  the  contest  lasted 
for  twenty  or  thirty  minutes  afterwards.  As  to  the 
first  point,  captain  Davidson,  who  was  by  the  side  of 
colonel  Johnson,  says,  "  We  struck  the  Indian  line  ob 
liquely,  and  when  we  approached  within  ten  or  fifteen 
yards  of  their  line,  the  Indians  poured  in  a  heavy  fire 
upon  us,  killing  ten  or  fifteen  of  our  men  and  several 
horses,  and  wounding  colonel  Johnson  very  severely. 
He  immediately  retired."*  Colonel  Ambrose  Dudley 
says, "  As  I  passed  to  the  left,  near  the  crochet,  after  the 
firing  had  ceased  on  the  right,  I  met  colonel  R.  M. 
Johnson  passing  diagonally  from  the  swamp  towards 
the  line  of  infantry,  and  spoke  with  him.  He  said  he 
was  badly  wounded,  his  gray  mare  bleeding  profusely 
in  several  places.  The  battle  continued  with  the  In- 

*  Cincinnati  Republican,  30th  September,  1840. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  211 

dians  on  the  left.  The  infantry,  with  some  of  colonel 
R.  M.  Johnson's  troops  mixed  up  promiscuously  with 
them,  continued  the.  battle  for  half  an  hour  after  co 
lonel  Johnson  was  disabled  and  had  ceased  to  com 
mand  his  men."*  Doctor  S.  Theobald,  of  Lexington, 
Kentucky,  one  of  the  surgeons  to  the  mounted  regi 
ment,  says,  "colonel  Johnson  was  wounded  in  the  on 
set  of  the  battle.  I  had  the  honor  to  compose  one  of  his 
"  forlorn  hope,"  and  followed  him  in  the  charge.  It  is 
impossible,  under  such  circumstances,  to  estimate  time 
with  precision ;  but  I  know  the  period  was  a  very  brief 
one  from  the  firing  of  the  first  guns,  which  indeed  was 
tremendously  heavy,  till  colonel  Johnson  approached 
me  covered  with  wounds,  but  still  mounted.  I  think 
he  said  to  me,  I  am  severely  wounded,  which  way 
shall  I  go  ?  That  I  replied,  follow  me,  which  he  did  : 
and  I  conducted  him  directly  across  the  swamp,  on  the 
margin  of  which  we  had  charged,  and  to  the  point 
where  doctor  Mitchell,  surgeon-general  of  Shelby's 
corps,  was  stationed.  Some  one  hundred  and  fifty  or 
two  hundred  yards  in  the  rear,  colonel  Johnson  was 
taken  from  his  horse.  He  appeared  faint  and  much 
exhausted.  I  asked  him  if  he  would  have  water,  to 
which  he  answered,  yes.  I  cast  about  immediately  for 
some,  but  there  was  none  at  hand,  nor  any  thing  that 
I  could  see  to  bring  it  in,  better  than  a  common  funnel, 
which  I  saw  lying  on  the  ground,  and  which  I  seized 
and  ran  to  the  river,  (Thames)  a  distance  probably  of 
one  hundred  yards  or  more ;  and  closing  the  extremity 
of  the  funnel  with  my  finger,  made  use  of  it  as  a  cup, 
from  which  I  gave  him  drink.  In  a  few  minutes  after 
this,  Garret  Wall,  who  also  composed  one  of  the  "  for 
lorn  hope,"  and  was  thrown  from  his  horse  in  the  charge, 
came  and  solicited  me  to  return  with  him  to  the  ground 
on  which  we  had  charged,  to  aid  him  in  recovering  his 
lost  saddle-bags.  I  assented.  We  crossed  the  narrow 
swamp,  to  which  I  have  before  alluded,  and  had  not 
progressed  far,  before  we  came  to  the  body  of  one  of 
our  men  who  had  been  killed,  and  who  I  recognized  as 
Mansfield,  of  captain  Stucker's  company :  a  little  fur- 

*  See  Cincinnati  Republican,  30th  September,  1840, 


212  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

ther,  that  of  Scott,  of  Coleman's  company ;  and  pro 
gressing  some  forty  or  fifty  steps  (it  may  have  been 
more,)  in  advance  of  that,  we  found  our  venerable  and 
brave  old  comrade,  colonel  Whitley,  who  was  also 
of  the  "forlorn  hope."  Near  him,  in  a  moment,  I  well 
remember  to  have  noticed,  with  a  feeling  and  exclama 
tion  of  exultation,  the  body  of  an  Indian  ;  and  some 
twenty  or  thirty  steps  in  advance  of  this,  another  Indi 
an,  which  last  was  afterwards  designated  as  the  body 
of  Tecumseh.  I  distinctly  recollect,  that  as  we  return 
ed  to  make  this  search,  the  firing  was  still  kept  up  some 
distance  off  on  our  left."* 

Testimony  on  these  points  might  be  multiplied,  but 
could  add  nothing  to  the  force  of  that  which  is  here 
cited.  The  letter  of  Dr.  Theobald  is  conclusive  as  to 
the  time  when  colonel  Johnson  was  wounded,  and  the 
period  during  which  the  action  continued  after  he  retir 
ed  from  the  battle  ground.  It  seems  the  colonel  was 
disabled  at  the  beginning  of  the  action  with  the  Indi 
ans,  and  immediately  rode  from  the  field  ;  that  the  ac 
tion  lasted  for  near  half  an  hour ;  that  Tecumseh  fell 
at  or  near  the  close  of  it :  and  that  he  could  not,  there 
fore,  have  fallen  by  the  hand  of  colonel  Johnson.  Whe 
ther  the  leader  of  the  "forlorn  hope"  can  claim  the 
credit  of  having  actually  killed  an  Indian  chief  on  this 
memorable  day,  is  not  the  immediate  question  before 
us  :  that  he  acted  with  dauntless  bravery,  in  promptly 
charging  the  Indian  line,  during  the  brief  period  which 
he  remained  unwounded,  is  universally  admitted;  but 
that  he  is  entitled  to  the  honor,  (if  such  it  may  be  call 
ed,)  of  having  personally  slain  the  gifted  "  king  of  the 
woods,"  will  not  be  so  readily  conceded. 

James,  the  British  historian,  from  whose  "  Military 
Occurrences  "  we  have  already  quoted,  having  charged 
general  Harrison  with  designedly  omitting,  in  his  offi 
cial  report,  all  reference  to  the  death  of  Tecumseh, 
leaves  the  inference  to  be  drawn  by  the  reader,  that  the 
omission  was  prompted  by  a  feeling  of  envy  towards 
colonel  Johnson,  who  had  done  the  deed.  It  is  due  to 
the  cause  of  truth,  not  less  than  to  the  reputation  of  the 

*  Dr.  Theobald's  letter,  dated  27th  November,  1840,  in  possession  of 
the  author  of  this  work. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  213 

American  commander,  that  this  charge  should  be  im 
partially  examined.  It  is  true,  that  the  official  account 
of  the  battle  of  the  Thames  does  not  mention  the  death 
of  Tecumseh,  and  the  propriety  of  this  omission  will  be 
sufficiently  obvious  from  the  following  narrative. 

General  Harrison  and  Anthony  Shane,  so  far  as  it  is 
known,  were  the  only  persons  in  the  .American  army 
who  were  personally  acquainted  with  Tecumseh.  It  is 
possible  that  some  of  the  friendly  Indians,  commanded 
by  Shane,  may  have  known  him ;  but  it  does  not  appear 
that  any  of  them  undertook  to  identify  the  body  after 
the  battle  was  over.  Shane  was  under  the  impression, 
on  the  evening  of  the  action,  that  he  had  found  the 
body  of  Tecumseh  among  the  slain ;  but,  as  Mr.  Wall 
testifies,  expressed  himself  with  caution.  General  Har 
rison  himself  was  not,  on  the  following  day,  enabled  to 
identify  with  certainty  the  body  of  this  chief,  as  appears 
from  the  testimony  of  a  member  of  the  general's  milita 
ry  family,  which  we  here  quote,  as  having  a  direct  bear 
ing  on  the  question  under  consideration : 

<(  I  am  authorised,"  says  colonel  Charles  S.  Todd,* 
u  by  several  officers  of  general  Harrison's  staff,  who 
were  in  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  to  state  most  unequiv 
ocally  their  belief,  that  the  general  neither  knew  nor 
could  have  known  the  fact  of  the  death  of  Tecumseh, 
at  the  date  of  his  letter  to  the  war  department.  It  was 
the  uncertainty  which  prevailed,  as  to  the  fact  'of  Te- 
^umseh's  being  killed,  that  prevented  any  notice  of  it 
\n  his  report.  On  the  next  day  after  the  battle,  general 
Harrison,  in  company  with  commodore  Perry  and  oth 
er  officers,  examined  the  body  of  an  Indian  supposed  to 
be  Tecumseh ;  but  from  its  swollen  and  mutilated  con 
dition,  he  was  unable  to  decide  whether  it  was  that 
chief  or  a  Potawatamie  who  usually  visited  him  at  Vin- 
cennes,  in  company  with  Tecumseh ;  and  I  repeat  most 
unhesitatingly,  that  neither  commodore  Perry  nor  any 
officer  in  the  American  army,  excepting  general  Harri 
son,  had  ever  seen  Tecumseh  previously  to  the  battle ; 
and  even  though  he  had  recognized  the  body  which  he 

*  One  of  the  aids  of  general  Harrison,  and  inspector-general  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  army,  during  the  late  war. 


214  LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH. 

examined  to  be  that  of  the  celebrated  chief,  it  was  man 
ifestly  impossible  that  he  could  have  known  whether  he 
was  killed  by  Johnson's  corps,  or  by  that  part  of  the 
infantry  which  participated  in  the  action.  No  official  or 
other  satisfactory  report  of  his  death,  was  made  to  him 
by  those  engaged  on  that  part  of  the  battle  ground 
where  he  fell.  It  was  not  until  after  the  return  of  the 
army  to  Detroit,  and  after  the  date  of  general  Harri 
son's  despatches,*  that  it  was  ascertained  from  the  ene 
my,  that  Tecumseh  was  certainly  killed ;  and  even  then 
the  opinion  of  the  army  was  divided  as  to  the  person 
by  whose  hands  he  fell.  Some  claimed  the  credit  of 
it  for  colonel  Whitley,  some  for  colonel  Johnson ;  but 
others,  constituting  a  majority,  including  governor  Shel 
by,  entertained  the  opinion  that  he  fell  by  a  shot  from 
David  King,  a  private  in  captain  Davidson's  company, 
from  Lincoln  county,  Kentucky.  In  this  state  of  the 
case,  even  had  the  fact  of  Tecumseh's  death  been  ful 
ly  ascertained,  at  the  date  of  general  Harrison's  letter, 
it  would  have  been  manifestly  unjust,  not  to  say  im 
practicable,  for  the  commander-in-chief  to  have  ex 
pressed  an  opinion  as  to  the  particular  individual  to 
whose  personal  prowess  his  death  was  to  be  attri 
buted."! 

In  taking  leave  of  this  branch  of  our  subject,  it  may 
be  remarked,,  that  the  strong  terms  of  approbation  in 
which  general  Harrison,  in  his  official  account  of  the 
battle  of  the  Thames,  speaks  of  the  bravery  and  bear 
ing  of  colonel  Johnson  in  the  conflict,  should  have 
shielded  him  from  the  suspicion  that  any  unkind  feel 
ing  towards  that  officer  was  allowed  to  sway  his  judg 
ment  in  the  preparation  of  his  report. 

We  now  proceed  to  give  some  testimony  in  favor  of 
other  individuals,  whose  friends  have  claimed  for  them 
the  credit  of  having  slain  Tecumseh.  It  has  been  al 
ready  stated,  that  before  our  army  left  the  field  of  bat 
tle,  it  was  reported  and  believed  by  many  of  the  troops, 

*  Early  on  the  7th,  general  Harrison  left  the  army  under  the  command 
of  governor  Shelby,  and  returned  to  Detroit.  His  report  of  the  battle,  was 
dated  on  the  9th.  The  army  did  not  reach  Sandwich,  opposite  Detroit, 
until  the  10th. 

f  See  Louisville  Journal. 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  215 

that  colonel  Whitley,  of  Johnson's  corps  of  mounted 
men,  had  killed  the  Indian  commander  in  the  action  of 
the  Thames.  The  only  testimony,  in  confirmation  of 
this  report,  which  has  fallen  under  our  observation,  is 
contained  in  the  two  following  communications.  The 
first  is  a  letter  from  Mr.  Abraham  Scribner,  now  of 
Greenville,  Ohio,  under  date  of  September  8th,  1840. 
The  writer  says — "  I  had  never  seen  Tecumseh,  until 
the  body  was  shown  to  me  on  the  battle  ground  on  the 
river  Thames :  by  whose  hand  he  fell  must  always  be  a 
matter  of  uncertainty.  My  own  opinion  was,  the  day 
after  the  battle,  and  is  yet,  that  Tecumseh  fell  by  a  ball 
from  the  rifle  of  colonel  Whitley,  an  old  Indian  fighter : 
two  balls  passed  through  colonel  Whitley's  head,  at  the 
moment  that  Tecumseh  fell;  he  (colonel  Whitley,)  was 
seen  to  take  aim  at  the  Indian  said  to  be  Tecumseh, 
and  his  rifle  was  found  empty." 

The  second  is  from  colonel  Ambrose  Dudley,  of  Cin 
cinnati,  under  date  of  24th  February,  1841,  and  is  in 
the  following  words : 

"  The  morning  after  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  in  com 
pany  with  several  other  persons,  I  walked  over  the 
ground,  to  see  the  bodies  of  those  who  had  been  slain 
in  the  engagement.  After  passing  from  the  river  a 
considerable  distance,  and  the  latter  part  of  the  way 
along  what  was  termed  a  swamp,  viewing  the  slain 
of  the  British  army,  we  came  to  a  place  where  some 
half  a  dozen  persons  were  standing,  and  three  dead  In 
dians  were  lying  close  together.  One  of  the  spectators 
remarked,  that  he  had  witnessed  that  part  of  the  engage 
ment  which  led  to  the  death  of  these  three  Indians  and 
two  of  our  troops,  whose  bodies  had  been  removed  the 
evening  before  for  burial.  He  proceeded  to  point  out 
the  position  of  the  slain  as  they  lay  upon  the  ground, 
with  that  of  our  men.  He  said  old  colonel  Whitley 
rode  up  to  the  body  of  a  tree,  which  lay  before  him, 
and  behind  which  lay  an  Indian  :  he  (the  Indian,)  at 
tempted  to  fire,  but  from  some  cause  did  not  succeed, 
and  then  Whitley  instantly  shot  him.  This  Indian  was 
recognized  by  one  of  the  persons  present  as  Tecumseh  : 
the  next  Indian  was  pointed  out  as  having  killed  Whit- 
ley  ;  then  the  position  of  another  of  our  troops  who  kill- 


21 6  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

eel  that  Indian,  and  the  Indian  who  killed  him,  with  the 
position  of  the  man  who  shot  the  third  Indian — making 
three  Indians  and  two  Americans  who  had  fallen  on  a 
very  small  space  of  ground.  From  the  manner  of  the 
narrator,  and  the  facts  related  at  the  time,  I  did  not 
doubt  the  truth  of  his  statement,  nor  have  I  ever  had 
any  reason  to  doubt  it  since.  The  Indian  pointed  out 
as  Tecumseh,  was  wearing  a  bandage  over  a  wound  in 
the  arm,  and  as  it  was  known  that  Tecumseh  had  been 
slightly  wounded  in  the  arm  the  day  before,  while  de 
fending  the  passage  of  a  creek,  my  conviction  was 
strengthened  by  this  circumstance,  that  the  body  before 
us  was  that  of  Tecumseh." 

The  reader  will  decide  for  himself  how  far  this  testi 
mony  sustains  the  plea  that  has  been  raised  for  colonel 
Whitley.  It  is  certainly  clear  and  to  the  point,  and 
presents  a  plausible  case  in  support  of  his  claim. 

Mr.  David  King  is  the  other  individual  to  whom 
reference  has  been  made  as  entitled  to  the  credit  of 
having  killed  the  great  Shawanoe  chief.  He  was  a  pri 
vate  in  captain  James  Davidson's  company  of  mount 
ed  men,  belonging  to  Johnson's  corps.  The  statement 
given  below  in  support  of  King's  claim,  was  written 
by  the  editor  of  the  Frankfort  (Ky.)  Commentator,  and 
published  in  that  journal  in  1831.  It  is  given  on  the 
authority  of  captain  Davidson  and  his  brother,  two 
highly  respectable  citizens  of  Kentucky,  both  of  whom 
belonged  to  colonel  Johnson's  mounted  regiment,  and 
were  in  the  battle  of  the  Thames.  We  have  omitted 
the  first  part  of  this  statement  as  irrelevant  to  the  point 
in  issue. 

"  While,  these  things  were  acting  in  this  part  of  the 
field,  and  towards  the  close  of  the  action,  which  did 
not  last  long — for  though  much  was  done,  it  was  done 
quickly — when  the  enemy  was  somewhat  thinned  and 
considerably  scattered,  and  our  men  were  scattered 
amongst  them,  Clark,  one  of  the  men  mentioned  above, 
suddenly  called  out  to  his  comrade,  David  King,  to 
"take  care  of  the  Indian  that  was- near  to  him."  The 
warrior  turned  upon  Clark ;  at  the  same  instant,  King 
fired  at  him  with  Whitley's  gun,  and  lodged  the  two 
s  which  he  knew  it  was  loaded  with,  in  the  chief- 


LIFE    OF    T  ECU  MSB  a.  fciv 

tain's  breast — for  when  Whitley  fell,  King  threw  away 
his  own  gun,  and  took  the  better  one  and  the  powder 
horn  of  the  old  Indian  fighter.  The  Indian  droped 

upon  King's  fire  : — "  Whoop — by  G "  exclaimed 

King,  "  he  was  every  inch  a  soldier.     I  have  killed  one 

d d  yellow  bugger,"  and  passed  on.    Giles  saw  this 

occurrence  as  well  as  Clark,  and  so  did  Von  Treece 
— they  were  all  together.  From  the  commencement 
of  the  fight,  the  voice  of  an  Indian  commander  had 
been  distinctly  heard  and  observed  by  our  soldiers. 
About  this  time  it  ceased,  and  was  heard  no  more  : 
Tecumseh  was  dead.  Presently  a  cry  of  "  how ! 
how !"  was  raised  among  the  Indians ;  upon  which 
they  turned  and  fled,  pursued  by  our  soldiers. 

"  Upon  the  return  of  the  volunteers  from  the  pur 
suit,  King  proposed  to  Sam  Davidson,  his  friend  and 
relative,  and  to  other  comrades,  to  go  round  with  him 
by  the  spot  where  he  had  killed  the  Indian,  because  he 
wanted  to  get  his  fine  leggins.  They  had  noticed  a 
particular  tree  and  a  log,  near  to  which  the  Indian  fell. 
They  found  the  tree  without  difficulty,  but  the  body 
was  not  discovered  quite  so  readily ;  but  King  insisted 
that  it  must  be  somewhere  thereabouts.  Sam  David 
son  first  discovered  it.  It  was  lying  behind  a  tree,  face 
downward.  "  Here  he  is,"  said  Davidson,  "  but  I  see 
no  wound  upon  him."  "  Roll  him  over,"  said  King, 
"  and  if  it  is  my  Indian,  you  will  find  two  bullet  holes 
in  his  left  breast."  It  was  done  ;  and  thefe  were  the 
two  bullet  holes,  an  inch  apart,  just  below  the  left  pap 
— the  same,  no  doubt,  where  King's  balls  had  entered. 
The  Indian,  from  his  dress,  was  evidently  a  chief.  His 
fanciful  leggins,  (King's  main  object  in  hunting  out  the 
body,)  his  party-colored  worsted  sash,  his  pistols,  his 
two  dirks,  all  his  dress  and  equipments,  were  the  un 
disputed  spoils  of  King.  He  kept  one  of  the  dirks,  the 
sash,  and  moccasins  for  himself;  the  rest  he  distributed 
as  presents  among  his  messmates. 

"Now,  it  was  this  very  Indian,  which  was  after 
wards  identified  by  those  who  had  known  him,  as  TE 
CUMSEH — this  and  no  other" 

This  testimony,  coming  as  it  does  from  a  highly  re 
spectable  quarter,  would  seem  to  be  conclusive  in  favor 

T 


218  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

of  the  claim  of  King.  It  contains,  however,  statements 
which,  if  true,  greatly  weaken  its  force;  and,  indeed, in 
our  opinion,  dissipate  at  once  the  idea  that  the  Indian 
killed  by  King  was  Tecumseh.  The  narrative  states 
that  "  the  Indian,  from  his  dress,  was  evidently  a  chief. 
His  fanciful  leggins,  his  party-colored  worsted  sash, 
his  pistols,  his  two  dirks,  all  his  dress  and  equipments, 
were  the  undisputed  spoils  of  King."  Now,  if  there 
be  any  one  fact  connected  with  the  fall  of  Tecumseh 
which  is  fully  and  fairly  established  upon  unimpeach 
able  authority,  it  is,  that  he  entered  the  battle  of  the 
Thames,  dressed  in  the  ordinary  deer-skin  garb  of  his 
tribe.  There  was  nothing  in  his  clothes,  arms  or  orna 
ments,  indicating  him  to  have  been  a  chief.  On  this 
point  the  testimony  of  Anthony  Shane  is  explicit ;  and 
his  statement  is  confirmed  by  colonel  Baubee  of  the 
British  army,  who  was  familiarly  acquainted  with  Te 
cumseh.  This  officer,  the  morning  after  the  action, 
stated  to  one  of  the  aids  of  general  Harrison,  that  he 
saw  Tecumseh  just  before  the  battle  commenced,  and 
that  he  was  clothed  in  his  usual  plain  deer-skin  dress, 
and  in  that  garb  took  his  position  in  the  Indian  line, 
where  he  heroically  met  his  fate.  The  testimony  in 
favor  of  Mr.  King's  claim,  while  it  proves  very  satis 
factorily  that  he  killed  an  Indian,  is  equally  conclusive, 
we  think,  in  establishing  the  fact  that  that  Indian  was 
not  the  renowned  Tecumseh. 

With  thd  statement  of  one  other  person,  upon  this 
vexed  question,  we  shall  take  our  final  leave  of  it. 
Major  William  Oliver,  of  Cincinnati,  in  a  communica 
tion  to  the  author,  under  date  of  23d  December,  1840, 
says : — 

"  In  1 8 1 9, 1  lodged  with  Anthony  Shane,  at  what  was 
then  called  "  the  Second  Crossing  of  the  St.  Mary's."  I 
had  known  Shane  intimately  for  a  long  time,  indeed, 
from  my  first  settlement  at  fort  Wayne,  in  1806.  In 
speaking  of  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  and  the  fall  of 
Tecumseh,  he  said,  the  most  authentic  information  he 
had  obtained  upon  this  point,  was  from  two  brothers  of 
his  wife,  who  were  in  the  battle,  and  near  the  person 
of  Tecumseh  when  he  fell.  They  stated,  in  positive 
terms,  that  Tecumseh  was  shot  by  a  private  of  the  Ken- 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH,  219 

tucky  troops ;  and  Shane  seemed  so  well  satisfied  with 
the  truth  of  their  statement,  that  he  informed  me  it  was 
entitled  to  belief." 

To  John  Johnston,  of  Piqua,  late  Indian  agent,  and 
others,  Shane,  at  this  early  period,  expressed  the  opinion 
that  Tecumseh  did  not  fall  by  the  hands  of  the  com 
mander  of  the  mounted  regiment.  The  reader  of  this 
volume  will  recollect,  that  long  subsequent  to  the  period 
when  these  opinions  were  expressed,  and  upon  the  eve 
of  a  political  campaign,  in  which  colonel  R.  M.  John 
son  was  a  candidate  for  a  high  and  honorable  office, 
Anthony  Shane  is  represented  by  the  reverend  0.  B. 
Brown,  as  having  stated  to  him  his  belief,  that  Tecum 
seh  did  meet  his  death  by  a  shot  from  the  colonel. 
Shane,  who,  we  believe,  is  now  deceased,  sustained, 
through  life,  a  character  for  integrity.  Whether,  in  his 
latter  years,  his  memory  had  failed  him,  by  which  he 
was  led  to  express  these  contradictory  opinions,  or 
whether  Mr.  Brown  misunderstood  the  import  of  his 
language,  when  talking  upon  this  matter,  we  shall  not 
undertake  to  decide.  The  reader  who  feels  an  interest 
in  the  point  at  issue  will  settle  the  question  for  himself, 
whether,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case, 
the  early  or  late  declarations  of  Shane  were  the  genu 
ine  expression  of  his  belief  on  this  subject. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Mr.  Jefferson's  opinion  of  the  Prophet — brief  sketch  of  his  character — anec 
dotes  of  Tecumseh — a  review  of  the  great  principles  of  his  plan  of  union 
among  the  tribes — general  summary  of  his  life  and  character. 

MR.  JEFFERSON,  in  a  letter  to  John  Adams,*  says  : 
«  The  Wabash  Prophet  is  more  rogue  than  fool,  if  to 
be  a  rogue  is  not  the  greatest  of  all  follies.  He  rose  to 
notice  while  I  was  in  the  administration,  and  became, 
of  course,  a  proper  subject  for  me.  The  inquiry  was 

*  Jefferson's  Correspondence,  vol.  10.  p.  171. 


220  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

made  with  diligence.  His  declared  object  was  the  re 
formation  of  his  red  brethren,  and  their  return  to  their 
pristine  manner  of  living.  He  pretended  to  be  in  con 
stant  communication  with  the  Great  Spirit ;  that  he  was 
instructed  by  Him  to  make  known  to  the  Indians  that 
they  were  created  by  Him  distinct  from  the  whites,  of 
different  natures,  for  different  purposes,  and  placed  un 
der  different  circumstances,  adapted  to  their  nature  and 
destinies ;  that  they  must  return  from  all  the  ways  of 
the  whites  to  the  habits  and  opinions  of  their  forefa 
thers  ;  they  must  not  eat  the  flesh  of  hogs,  of  bullocks, 
of  sheep,  &c.,  the  deer  and  buffalo  having  been  created 
for  their  food ;  they  must  not  make  bread  of  wheat,  but 
of  Indian  corn ;  they  must  not  wear  linen  nor  woollen, 
but  dress  like  their  fathers,  in  the  skins  and  furs  of  ani 
mals  ;  they  must  not  drink  ardent  spirits ;  and  I  do  not 
remember  whether  he  extended  his  inhibitions  to  the 
gun  and  gunpowder,  in  favor  of  the  bow  and  arrow, 
I  concluded,  from  all  this,  that  he  was  a  visionary,  en 
veloped  in  their  antiquities,  and  vainly  endeavoring  to 
lead  back  his  brethren  to  the  fancied  beatitudes  of  their 
golden  age.  I  thought  there  was  little  danger  of  his 
making  many  proselytes  from  the  habits  and  comforts 
they  had  learned  from  the  whites,  to  the  hardships  and 
privations  of  savagism,  and  no  great  harm  if  he  did. 
We  let  him  go  on,  therefore,  unmolested.  But  his  fol 
lowers  increased  until  the  British  thought  him  worth 
corrupting,  and  found  him  corruptible.  I  suppose  his 
views  were  then  changed ;  but  his  proceedings  in  con 
sequence  of  them,  were  after  I  left  the  administration, 
and  are,  therefore,  unknown  to  me ;  nor  have  I  ever 
been  informed  what  were  the  particular  acts  on  his  part, 
which  produced  an  actual  commencement  of  hostilities 
on  ours.  I  have  no  doubt,  however,  that  his  subse 
quent  proceedings  are  but  a  chapter  apart,  like  that  of 
Henry  and  Lord  Liverpool,  in  the  book  of  the  Kings 
of  England." 

Mr.  Jefferson's  account  of  the  Prophet's  «  budget  of 
reform,"  is  correct  as  far  as  it  goes :  it  embraced,  how 
ever,  many  other  matters,  looking  to  the  amelioration 
of  savage  life.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  original 
object,  in  the  promulgation  of  his  new  code  of  ethics,, 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  221 

there  is  enough,  we  think,  in  the  character  and  conduct 
of  this  individual  to  warrant  the  opinion,  that  he  was 
really  desirous  of  doing  good  to  his  race ;  and,  that  with 
many  foibles,  and  some  positive  vices,  he  was  not  des 
titute  of  benevolent  and  generous  feelings.  That  in  as 
suming  the  character  of  a  prophet,  he  had,  in  connec 
tion  with  his  brother,  ulterior  objects  in  view,  is  not  to 
be  doubted.  It  so  happened,  that  the  adoption  of  his 
doctrines  was  calculated  to  promote  harmony  among 
the  tribes ;  and  this  was  the  very  foundation  of  the  grand 
confederacy,  to  which  he  and  Tecumseh  were  zealous 
ly  devoting  the  energies  of  their  minds. 

After  the  premature  and,  to  the  Indians,  disastrous 
battle  of  Tippecanoe,  the  Prophet  began  to  fall  into  ob 
scurity.  The  result  of  that  action  materially  diminish 
ed  the  wide  spread  influence  which  he  had  attained 
over  his  countrymen.  The  incantations,  by  means  of 
which  he  had  played  upon  their  imaginations,  and 
swayed  their  conduct,  lost  their  potency.  The  inspir 
ed  messenger  of  the  Great  Spirit,  as  he  openly  pro 
claimed  himself,  had  boldly  promised  his  followers 
an  easy  victory  over  their  enemies.  A  battle  was 
fought — the  Indians  were  defeated — and  the  gory  form 
of  many  a  gallant,  but  credulous  "  brave,"  attested  that 
the  renowned  Prophet  had  lost,  amid  the  carriage  of 
that  nocturnal  conflict,  his  office  and  his  power. 

At  the  time  when  this  battle  was  fought,  Tecumseh 
was  on  a  mission  to  the  southern  Indians,  with  the  view 
of  extending  his  warlike  confederacy.  He  had  left  in 
structions  with  the  Prophet,  to  avoid  any  hostile  collis 
ion  with  the  whites;  and  from  the  deference  which  the 
latter  usually  paid  to  the  wishes  of  the  former,  it  is  not 
probable  that  the  battle  would  have  occurred,  had  not 
extraneous  influence  been  brought  to  bear  upon  the 
leader.  The  reason  assigned  by  the  Prophet  to  his 
brother,  for  this  attack  upon  the  army  under  general 
Harrison,  is  not  known;  but  some  of  the  Indians  who 
were  in  this  engagement,  subsequently  stated  that  the 
Winnebagoes  forced  on  the  battle  contrary  to  the  wishes 
of  the  Prophet.  This  is  not  improbable ;  yet,  admitting 
it  to  be  true,  if  he  had  taken  a  bold  and  decided  stand 
against  the  measure,  it  might,  in  all  probability,  have 

T  2 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

been  prevented.  The  influence  of  the  Prophet,  howev 
er,  even  at  this  time,  was  manifestly  on  the  wane,  and 
some  of  his  followers  were  beginning  to  leave  his  camp. 
He  doubtless  felt  that  it  was  necessary  to  do  something 
to  sustain  himself:  a  signal  victory  over  the  whites 
would  accomplish  this  end  ;  and  hence  he  consented 
the  more  readily,  to  the  wishes  of  the  Winnebagoes, 
that  an  attack  should  be  made,  in  the  hope  that  it 
would  prove  successful. 

Within  a  few  months  after  this  battle,  war  was  de 
clared  against  England  by  the  United  States.  Tecum- 
seh  and  the  Prophet,  discouraged  in  regard  to  their 
union  of  the  tribes,  decided  on  joining  the  British  stand 
ard.  The  love  of  fighting,  however,  was  not  a  re 
markable  trait  of  the  Prophet's  character.  He  won  no 
military  laurels  during  the  continuance  of  that  war ; 
and  although  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Moravian  town  on 
the  5th  of  October,  1813,  he  did  not  choose  to  partici 
pate  in  the  action  at  the  Thames.  After  the  return  of 
peace,  he  resided  in  the  neighborhood  of  Maiden  for 
some  time,  and  finally  returned  to  Ohio :  from  whence, 
with  a  band  of  Shawanoes,  he  removed  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  where  he  resided  until  the  period  of  his 
death,  which  occurred  in  the  year  1834.  It  is  stated,  in 
a  foreign  periodical,*  that  the  British  government  al 
lowed  him  a  pension  from  the  year  1813,  to  the  close 
of  his  life. 

In  forming  an  estimate  of  the  Prophet's  character,  it 
seems  unjust  to  hold  him  responsible  for  all  the  numer 
ous  aggressions  which  were  committed  by  his  follow 
ers  upon  the  property  and  persons  of  the  whites.  His 
first  proselytes  were  from  the  most  worthless  and  vi 
cious  portion  of  the  tribes  from  which  they  were  drawn. 
"  The  young  men  especially,  who  gathered  about  him, 
like  the  young  men  who  brought  on  the  war  of  King 
Philip,  were  wrought  up  until  the  master  spirit  himself, 
lost  his  control  over  them ;  and  to  make  the  matter 
worse,  most  of  them  were  of  such  a  character  in  the 
first  instance,  that  horse  stealing  and  house  breaking 
were  as  easy  to  them  as  breathing.  Like  the  refugees 

*  The  United  Service  Journal — London. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  223 

of  Romulus,  they  were  outcasts,  vagabonds  and  crimi 
nals  ;  in  a  great  degree  brought  together  by  the  novelty 
of  the  preacher's  reputation,  by  curiosity  to  hear  his 
doctrines,  by  the  fascination  of  extreme  credulity,  by 
restlessness,  by  resentment  against  the  whites,  and  by- 
poverty  and  unpopularity  at  home."*  To  preserve  an 
influence  over  such  a  body  of  men,  to  use  them  suc 
cessfully  as  propagandists  of  his  new  doctrines,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  prevent  their  aggressions  upon  the 
whites,  who  were  oftentimes  themselves  the  aggressors, 
required  no  small  degree  of  talent ;  and  called  into 
activity  the  utmost  powers  of  the  Prophet's  mind.  In 
addition  to  these  adverse  circumstances,  he  had  to  en 
counter  the  opposition  of  all  the  influential  chiefs  in  the 
surrounding  tribes ;  and  a  still  more  formidable  adver 
sary  in  the  poverty  and  extreme  want  of  provisions, 
which,  on  several  occasions,  threatened  the  total  disrup 
tion  of  his  party,  and  undoubtedly  led  to  many  of  the 
thefts  and  murders  on  the  frontiers,  of  which  loud  and 
frequent  complaints  were  made  by  the  agents  of  the  Uni 
ted  States.  In  a  word,  difficulties  of  various  kinds  were 
constantly  recurring,  which  required  the  most  ceaseless 
vigilance  and  the  shrewdest  sagacity  on  the  part  of  the 
two  brothers  to  obviate  or  overcome.  The  Prophet  had 
a  clear  head,  if  not  an  honest  heart ;  courteous  and  in 
sinuating  in  his  address,  with  a  quick  wit  and  a  fluent 
tongue,  he  seldom  came  out  of  any  conference  without 
rising  in  the  estimation  of  those  who  composed  it.  He 
was  no  warrior,  and  from  the  fact  of  his  never  having 
engaged  in  a  battle,  the  presumption  has  been  raised 
that  he  was  wanting  in  physical  courage.  With  that 
of  cowardice,  the  charge  of  cruelty  has  been  associa 
ted,  from  the  cold-blooded  and  deliberate  manner  in 
which  he  put  to  death  several  of  those  who  were  sus 
pected  of  having  exercised  an  influence  adverse  to  his 
plans,  or  calculated  to  lessen  the  value  of  the  inspired 
character  which  he  had  assumed.  Finally,  it  may  be 
said  of  him,  that  he  was  a  vain,  loquacious  and  cun 
ning  man,  of  indolent  habits  and  doubtful  principles. 
Plausible  but  deceitful,  prone  to  deal  in  the  marvellous, 

*  North  American  Review. 


224  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

quick  of  apprehension,  affluent  in  pretexts,  winning  and 
eloquent,  if  not  powerful  in  debate,  the  Prophet  was 
peculiarly  fitted  to  play  the  impostor,  and  to  excite  into 
strong  action,  the  credulous  fanaticism  of  the  stern  race 
to  which  he  belonged.  Few  men,  in  any  age  of  the 
world,  have  risen  more  rapidly  into  extended  notoriety ; 
wielded,  for  the  time  being,  a  more  extraordinary  de 
gree  of  moral  influence,  or  sunk  more  suddenly  into 
obscurity,  than  the  Prop'het. 

TECUMSEH  was  near  six  feet  in  stature,  with  a  com 
pact,  muscular  frame,  capable  of  great  physical  endu 
rance.  His  head  was  of  a  moderate  size,  with  a  fore 
head  full  and  high;  his  nose  slightly  aquiline,  teeth 
large  and  regular,  eyes  black,  penetrating  and  over 
hung  with  heavy  arched  brows,  which  increased  the 
uniformly  grave  and  severe  expression  of  his  counte 
nance.  He  is  represented  by  those  who  knew  him,  to 
have  been  a  remarkably  fine  looking  man,  always  plain 
but  neat  in  his  dress,  and  of  a  commanding  personal 
presence.  His  portrait,  it  is  believed,  was  never  paint 
ed,  owing  probably  to  his  strong  prejudices  against  the 
whites. 

In  the  private  and  social  life  of  Tecumseh  there  were 
many  things  worthy  of  notice.  He  was  opposed,  on 
principle,  to  polygamy,  a  practice  almost  universal  among 
his  countrymen.  He  was  married  but  once  ;  and  this 
union,  which  took  place  at  the  age  of  twenty-eight,  is 
said  to  have  been  more  in  compliance  with  the  wishes 
of  others  than  in  obedience  to  the  unbiassed  impulse 
of  his  feelings  or  the  dictates  of  his  judgment.  Mama- 
te,'his  wife,  was  older  than  himself,  and  possessed  few 
personal  or  mental  qualities  calculated  to  excite  admi 
ration.  A  son,  called  Pugeshashenwa,  (a  panther  in 
the  act  of  seizing  its  prey,)  was  the  only  fruit  of  this 
union.  The  mother  died  soon  after  his  birth,  and  he 
was  left  to  the  care  of  his  aunt,  Tecumapease.*  This 
son  is  now  residing  with  the  Shawanoes  west  of  the 
Mississippi,  but  is  not  distinguished  for  talents,  or  re 
nowned  as  a  warrior.  The  British  government,  how 
ever,  since  the  death  of  Tecumseh,  has  recognized  its 

*  Recollections  of  John  Johnston,  and  Anthony  Shane. 


LIFE    OF   TECUMSEH.  225 

obligations  to  the  father  by  the  extension  of  an  annual 
stipend  to  the  son. 

From  his  boyhood,  Tecumseh  was  remarkable  for 
temperance  and  the  strictest  integrity.  He  was  hospi 
table,  generous  and  humane  ;  and  these  traits  were  ac 
knowledged  in  his  character  long  before  he  rose  to  dis 
tinction,  or  had  conceived  the  project  of  that  union  of 
the  tribes,  on  which  the  energies  of  his  manhood  were 
fruitlessly  expended.  He  was,  says  an  intelligent  Shaw- 
anoe,  who  had  known  him  from  childhood,  kind  and 
attentive  to  the  aged  and  infirm,  looking  personally  to 
their  comfort,  repairing  their  frail  wigwams  when  win 
ter  approached,  giving  them  skins  for  moccasins  and 
clothing,  and  sharing  with  them  the  choicest  game 
which  the  woods  and  the  seasons  afforded.  Nor  were 
these  acts  of  kindness  bestowed  exclusively  on  those 
of  rank  or  reputation.  On  the  contrary,  he  made  it 
his  business  to  search  out  the  humblest  objects  of  cha 
rity,  and  in  a  quick,  unostentatious  manner,  relieve  their 
wants. 

The  moral  and  intellectual  qualities  of  Tecumseh 
place  him  above  the  age  and  the  race  in  which  his  lot 
was  cast.  "From  the  earliest  period  of  his  life,"  says 
Mr.  Johnston,  the  late  Indian  agent  at  Piqua,  "  Tecum 
seh  was  distinguished  for  virtue,  for  a  strict  adherence 
to  truth,  honor,  and  integrity.  He  was  sober  *  and  ab 
stemious,  never  indulging  in  the  use  of  liquor  nor  eating 
to  excess."  Another  respectable  individual,!  who  resid 
ed  for  near  twenty  years  as  a  prisoner  among  the  Shaw- 
anoes,  and  part  of  that  time  in  the  family  of  Tecum 
seh,  writes  to  us,  "  I  know  of  no  peculiarity  about  him 
that  gained  him  popularity.  His  talents,  rectitude  of 
deportment,  and  friendly  disposition,  commanded  the 
respect  and  regard  of  all  about  him.  In  short,  I  con 
sider  him  a  very  great  as  well  as  a  very  good  man, 
who,  had  he  enjoyed  the  advantages  of  a  liberal  educa 
tion,  would  have  done  honor  to  any  age  or  any  nation." 

Tecumseh  had,  however,  no  education,  beyond  that 


*  Major  James  Galloway,  of  Xenia,  states,  that  on  one  occasion, 
Tecumseh  was  quite  young,  he  saw  him  intoxicated.     This  is  the  oulj 
aberration  of  the  kind,  which  we  have  heard  charged  upon  him. 

f  Mr.  -Stephen  Ruddell. 


226  LIFE    OF   TECUMSEH. 

which  the  traditions  of  his  race,  and  his  own  power  of 
observation  and  reflection,  afforded  him.  He  rarely 
mingled  with  the  whites,  and  very  seldom  attempted  to 
speak  their  language,  of  which  his  knowledge  was  ex 
tremely  limited  and  superficial. 

When  Burns,  the  poet,  was  suddenly  transferred  from 
his  plough  in  Ayrshire  to  the  polished  circles  of  Edin- 
burg,  his  ease  of  manner,  and  nice  observance  of  the 
rules  of  good-breeding,  excited  much  surprise,  and  be 
came  the  theme  of  frequent  conversation.  The  same 
thing  has  been  remarked  of  Tecumseh:  whether  seated 
at  the  tables  of  generals  McArthur  and  Worthington,  as 
he  was  during  the  council  at  Chillicothe  in  1807,  or 
brought  in  contact  with  British  officers  of  the  highest 
rank,  his  manners  were  entirely  free  from  vulgarity  and 
coarseness:  he  was  uniformly  self-possessed,  and  with 
the  tact  and  ease  of  deportment  which  marked  the  poet 
of  the  heart,  and  which  are  falsely  supposed  to  be  the 
result  of  civilization  and  refinement  only,  he  readily  ac 
commodated  himself  to  the  novelties  of  his  new  posi 
tion,  and  seemed  more  amused  than  annoyed  by  them. 

The  humanity  of  his  character  has  been  already  por 
trayed  in  the  pages  of  this  work.  His  early  efforts  to 
abolish  the  practice  of  burning  prisoners — then  common 
among  the  Indians — and  the  merciful  protection  which 
he  otherwise  invariably  showed  to  captives,  whether  ta 
ken  by  himself  or  his  companions,  need  no  commenda 
tion  at  our  hands.  Rising  above  the  prejudices  and 
customs  of  his  people,  even  when  those  prejudices  and 
customs  were  tacitly  sanctioned  by  the  officers  and 
agents  of  Great  Britain,  Tecumseh  was  never  known  to 
offer  ..violence  to  prisoners,  nor  to  permit  it  in  others. 
So  strong  was  his  sense  of  honor,  and  so  sensitive  his 
feelings  of  humanity,  on  this  point,  that  even  frontier 
women  and  children,  throughout  the  wide  space  in 
which  his  character  was  known,  felt  secure  from  the 
tomahawk  of  the  hostile  Indians,  if  Tecumseh  was  in 
the  camp.  A  striking  instance  of  this  confidence  is 
presented  in  the  following  anecdote.  The  British  and 
Indians  were  encamped  near  the  river  Raisin;  and 
while  holding  a  talk  within  eighty  or  one  hundred  yards 
of  Mrs.  Ruland's  house,  some  Sauks  and  Winnebagoes 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  227 

entered  her  dwelling,  and  began  to  plunder  it.  She 
immediately  sent  her  little  daughter,  eight  or  nine  years 
old,  requesting  Tecumseh  to  come  to  her  assistance. 
The  child  ran  to  the  council  house,  and  pulling  Tecum 
seh  (who  was  then  speaking)  by  the  skirt  of  his  hunt 
ing-shirt,  said  to  him,  "  Come  to  our  house — there  are 
bad  Indians  there."  Without  waiting  to  close  his 
speech,  the  chief  started  for  the  house  in  a  fast  walk. 
On  entering,  he  was  met  by  two  or  three  Indians  drag 
ging  a  trunk  towards  the  door:  he  seized  his  tomahawk 
and  levelled  one  of  them  at  a  blow :  they  prepared  for 
resistance,  but  no  sooner  did  they  hear  the  cry,  "  dogs  ! 
I  am  Tecumseh!'7  than  under  the  flash  of  his  indig 
nant  eye,  they  fled  from  the  house:  and  "you,"  said 
Tecumseh,  turning  to  some  British  officers,  "  are  worse 
than  dogs,  to  break  your  faith  with  prisoners."  The 
officers  expressed  their  regrets  to  Mrs.  Ruland,  and  of 
fered  to  place  a  guard  around  the  house:  this  she  de 
clined,  observing,  that  so  long  as  that  man,  pointing  to 
Tecumseh,  was  near  them,  she  felt  safe.* 

Tecumseh  entertained  a  higb.  and  proper  sense  of 
personal  character — was  equally  bold  in  defending  his 
own  conduct,  and  condemning  that  which  was  repre 
hensible  in  others.  In  1811,  he  abandoned  his  inten 
tion  of  visiting  the  President,  because  he  was  not  per 
mitted  to  march  to  Washington  at  the  head  of  a  party 
of  his  warriors.  As  an  officer  in  the  British  army,  he 
never  lost  sight  of  the  dignity  of  his  rank,  nor  suffered 
any  act  of  injustice  towards  those  under  his  command 
to  pass  without  resenting  it.  On  one  occasion,  whilo 
the  combined  British  and  Indian  forces  were  quartered 
at  Maiden,  there  was  a  scarcity  of  provisions,  the  .com 
missary's  department  being  supplied  with  salt  beef  on 
ly,  which  was  issued  to  the  British  soldiers,  while  horsr 
flesh  was  given  to  the  Indians.  Upon  learning  thi- 
fact,  Tecumseh  promptly  called  on  general  Proctor,  re 
monstrated  against  the  injustice  of  the  measure,  and 
complained,  indignantly,  of  the  insult  thus  offered  to 
himself  and  his  men.  The  British  general  appeared 
indifferent  to  what  was  said;  whereupon,  the  chief 

*  On  the  authority  of  colonel  John  Ruland. 


228  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

struck  the  hilt  of  Proctor's  sword  with  his  hand,  then 
touched  the  handle  of  his  own  tomahawk,  and  stern 
ly  remarked,  "  You  are  Proctor — I  am  Tecumseh ;" 
intimating,  that  if  justice  was  not  done  to  the  Indians, 
the  affair  must  be  settled  by  a  personal  rencontre  be 
tween  the  two  commanders.  General  Proctor  prudent 
ly  yielded  the  point* 

But  few  of  the  numerous  speeches  made  by  Tecum 
seh  have  been  preserved.  Tradition  speaks  in  exalted 
terms  of  several  efforts  of  this  kind,  of  which  no  record 
was  made.  All  bore  evidence  of  the  high  order  of 
his  intellectual  powers.  They  were  uniformly  forcible, 
sententious  and  argumentative ;  always  dignified,  fre 
quently  impassioned  and  powerful.  He  indulged  nei 
ther  in  sophism  nor  circumlocution,  but  with  bold  and 
manly  frankness,  gave  utterance  to  his  honest  opinions. 
Mr.  Ruddell,  who  knew  him  long  and  intimately,  says, 
that  "  he  was  naturally  eloquent,  very  fluent,  graceful 
in  his  gestures,  but  not  in  the  habit  of  using  many  ;  that 
there  was  neither  vehemence  nor  violence  in  his  style  of 
delivery,  but  that  his  eloquence  always  made  a  strong 
impression  on  his  hearers."  Dr.  Hunt,  of  Clark  coun 
ty,  Ohio,  has  remarked,  that  the  first  time  he  heard 
Henry  Clay  make  a  speech,  his  manner  reminded  him, 
very  forcibly,  of  that  of  Tecumseh,  in  the  council  at 
Springfield,  in  the  year  1807,  on  which  occasion  he 
made  one  of  his  happiest  efforts. 

Our  present  minister  to  France,  Mr.  Cass,  has  said, 
with  his  usual  discrimination,  that  "the  character  of 
Tecumseh,  in  whatever  light  it  may  be  viewed,  must 
be  regarded  as  remarkable  in  the  highest  degree.  That 
he  proved  himself  worthy  of  his  rank  as  a  general  offi 
cer  in  the  army  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  or  even  of  his 
reputation  as  a  great  warrior  among  all  the  Indians  of 
the  north-west,  is,  indeed,  a  small  title  to  distinction. 
Bravery  is  a  savage  virtue,  and  the  Shawanoes  are  a 
brave  people :  too  many  of  the  American  nation  have 
ascertained  this  fact  by  experience.  His  oratory  speaks 
more  for  hit  genius.  It  was  the  utterance  of  a  great 
mind  roused  by  the  strongest  motives  of  which  human 


*  On  the  authority  of  the  Rev.  Wm.  H.  Kaper. 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  229 

nature  is  susceptible ;  and  developing  a  power  and  a  la 
bor  of  reason,  which  commanded  the  admiration  of  the 
civilized,  as  justly  as  the  confidence  and  pride  of  the 
savage."  There  was  one  subject,  far  better  calculated 
than  all  others,  to  call  forth  his  intellectual  energies, 
and  exhibit  the  peculiar  fascination  of  his  oratory. 
"  When  he  spoke  to  his  brethren  on  the  glorious  theme 
that  animated  all  his  actions,  his  fine  countenance  light 
ed  up,  his  firm  and  erect  frame  swelled  with  deep  emo 
tion,  which  his  own  stern  dignity  could  scarcely  re 
press  ;  every  feature  and  gesture  had  its  meaning,  and 
language  flowed  tumultuously  and  swiftly,  from  the 
fountains  of  his  soul." 

Another  writer,  Judge  Hall,  long  resident  in  the  west, 
and  devoted  to  the  study  of  aboriginal  history,  has  thus 
summed  up  the  character  of  this  chief: 

"  At  this  period  the  celebrated  Tecumseh  appeared 
upon  the  scene.  He  was  called  the  Napoleon  of  the 
west ;  and  so  far  as  that  title  was  deserved  by  splen 
did  genius,  unwavering  courage,  untiring  perseverance, 
boldness  of  conception  and  promptitude  of  action,  it  was 
fairly  bestowed  upon  this  accomplished  savage.  He 
rose  from  obscurity  to  the  command  of  a  tribe  to  which 
he  was  alien  by  birth.  He  was,  by  turns,  the  orator, 
the  warrior  and  the  politician ;  and  in  each  of  these  ca 
pacities,  towered  above  all  with  whom  he  came  in  con 
tact.  As  is  often  the  case  with  great  minds,  one  master 
passion  filled  his  heart,  prompted  all*  his  designs,  and 
gave  to  his  life  its  character.  This  was  hatred  to  the 
whites,  and,  like  Hannibal,  he  had  sworn  that  it  should 
be  perpetual.  He  entertained  the  same  vast  project  of 
uniting  the  scattered  tribes  of  the  west  into  one  grand 
confederacy,  which  had  been  acted  on  by  King  Philip 
and  Little  Turtle.  He  wished  to  extinguish  all  dis 
tinctions  of  tribe  and  language,  to  bury  all  feuds,  and 
to  combine  the  power  and  the  prejudices  of  all,  in  de 
fence  of  the  rights  and  possessions  of  the  whole,  as  the 
aboriginal  occupants  of  the  country." 

It  may  be  truly  said,  that  what  Hannibal  was  to  the 
Romans,  Tecumseh  became  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  From  his  boyhood  to  the  hour  when  he  fell, 
noblv  battling  for  the  rights  of  his  people,  he  fostered 

tl 


230  LIFE    OP    TECTJMSEH. 

an  invincible  hatred  to  the  whites.  On  one  occasion, 
he  was  heard  to  declare,  that  he  conld  not  look  upon 
the  face  of  a  white  man,  without  feeling  the  flesh  crawl 
upon  his  bones.  This  hatred  was  not  confined,  how 
ever,  to  the  Americans.  Circumstances  made  him  the 
ally  of  the  British,  and  induced  him  to  fight  under  their 
standard,  but  he  neither  loved  nor  respected  them.  He 
well  understood  their  policy ;  they  could  not  deceive 
his  sagacious  mind ;  he  knew  that  their  professions'of 
regard  for  the  Indians  were  hollow,  and  that  when  in 
stigating  him  and  his  people  to  hostilities  against  the 
United  States,  the  agents  of  Britain  had  far  less  anxiety 
about  the  rights  of  the  Indians,  than  the  injuries  which; 
through  their  instrumentality,  might  be  inflicted  upon 
the  rising  republic.  This  feeling  towards  the  whites, 
and  especially  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  had  a 
deeper  foundation  than  mere  prejudice  or  self-interest. 
Tecumseh  was  a  patriot,  and  his  love  of  country  made 
him  a  statesman  and  a  warrior.  He  saw  his  race  driv 
en  from  their  native  land,  and  scattered  like  withered 
leaves  in  an  autumnal  blast;  he  beheld  their  morals 
debased,  their  independence  destroyed,  their  means  of 
subsistence  cut  off,  new  and  strange  customs  introdu 
ced,  diseases  multiplied,  ruin  and  desolation  around  and 
among  them ;  he  looked  for  the  cause  of  these  evils  and 
believed  he  had  found  it  in  the  flood  of  white  immigra 
tion  which,  having  surmounted  the  towering  Alleghe- 
nies,  was  spreading  itself  over  the  hunting  grounds 
of  Kentucky,  and  along  the  banks  of  the  Scioto,  the 
Miami  and  the  Wabash,  whose  waters,  from  time  im 
memorial,  had  reflected  the  smoke  of  the  rude  but 
populous  villages  of  his  ancestors.  As  a  statesman, 
he  studied  the  subject,  and,  having  satisfied  himself 
that  justice  was  on  the  side  of  his  countrymen,  he 
tasked  the  powers  of  his  expansive  mind,  to  find  a  re 
medy  for  the  mighty  evil  which  threatened  their  total 
extermination. 

The  original,  natural  right  of  the  Indians  to  the  oc 
cupancy  and  possession  of  their  lands,  has  been  recog 
nized  by  the  laws  of  congress,  and  solemnly  sanctioned 
by  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  of  the  United  States. 
On  this  principle,  there  is  no  disagreement  between  our 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  231 

government  and  the  Indian  nations  by  whom  this  coun 
try  was  originally  inhabited.* 

In  the  acquisition  of  these  lands,  however,  our  go 
vernment  has  held  that  its  title  was  perfect  when  it  had 
purchased  of  the  tribe  in  actual  possession.  It  seems, 
indeed,  to  have  gone  further  and  admitted,  that  a  tribe 
might  acquire  lands  by  conquest  which  it  did  not  occu 
py,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Iroquois,  and  sell  the  same  to 
us ;  and,  that  the  title  thus  acquired,  would  be  valid. 
Thus  we  have  recognized  the  principles  of  internation 
al  law  as  operative  between  the  Indians  and  us  on  this 
particular  point,  while  on  some  others,  as  in  not  allow 
ing  them  to  sell  to  individuals,  and  giving  them  tracts 
used  as  hunting  grounds  by  other  tribes  beyond  the 
Mississippi,  we  have  treated  them  as  savage  hordes, 
not  sufficiently  advanced  in  civilization  to  be  admitted 
into  the  family  of  nations.  Our  claim  to  forbid  their 
selling  to  individuals,  and  our  guarantying  to  tribes 
who  would  not  sell  to  us  in  our  corporate  capacity,  por 
tions  of  country  occupied  as  hunting  grounds,  by  more 
distant  tribes,  can  only  be  based  on  the  right  of  disco 
very,  taken  in  connection  with  a  right  conferred  by  our 
superior  civilization ;  and  seems  never  in  fact  to  have 
been  fully  acknowledged  by  them.  It  was  not,  at 
least,  admitted  by  Tecumseh.  His  doctrine  seems  to 
have  been  that  we  acquired  no  rights  over  the  Indians 
or  their  country  either  by  discovery  or  superior  civili 
zation  ;  and  that  the  possession  and  jurisdiction  can 
only  be  obtained  by  conquest  or  negociation.  In  re 
gard  to  the  latter,  he  held  that  purchase  from  a  single 
tribe,  although  at  the  time  sojourners  on  the  lands  sold, 
was  not  valid  as  it  respected  other  tribes.  That  no 
particular  portion  of  the  country  belonged  to  the  tribe 
then  within  its  limits — though  in  reference  to  other 
tribes,  its  title  was  perfect ;  that  is,  possession  exclud 
ed  other  tribes,  and  would  exclude  them  forever ;  but 
did  not  confer  on  the  tribe  having  it,  the  right  to  sell 
the  soil  to  us ;  for  that  was  the  common  property  of  all 
the  tribes  who  were  near  enough  to  occupy  or  hunt 
upon  it,  in  the  event  of  its  being  at  any  time  vacated, 

*  6  Wheaton's  Reports,  515. 


232  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

and  could  only  be  vacated  by  the  consent  of  the  whole. 
As  a  conclusion  from  these  premises,  he  insisted  that 
certain  sales  made  in  the  west  were  invalid,  and  pro 
tested  against  new  ones  on  any  other  than  his  own 
principles. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  these  views  have 
much  plausibility,  not  to  grant  to  them  any  higher  me 
rit.  If  the  Indians  had  been  in  a  nomadic  instead  of  a 
hunter  state,  and  in  summer  had  driven  their  flocks  to 
the  Allegheny  mountains — in  winter  to  the  banks  of 
the  Wabash  and  Tennessee  rivers,  it  could  scarcely  be 
denied  that  each  tribe  would  have  had  an  interest  in 
the  whole  region  between,  and  as  much  right  as  any 
other  tribe  to  be  heard  on  a  question  of  sale.  The  In 
dians  were  not  shepherds,  wandering  with  their  flocks 
of  sheep  and  cattle  in  quest  of  new  pastures,  but  hunt 
ers,  roaming  after  deer  and  bison,  and  changing  their 
location,  as  the  pursuit  from  year  to  year,  or  from  age 
to  age,  might  require.  We  do  not  perceive  a  difference 
in  principle  in  the  two  cases ;  and  while  we  admit  the 
difficulty  of  acquiring  their  territory  on  the  plan  of 
Tecumseh,  we  feel  bound  also  to  admit,  that  as  far  as 
its  preservation  to  themselves  was  concerned,  his  was 
the  only  effective  method. 

In  its  support  he  displayed  in  council  the  sound  and 
logical  eloquence  for  which  he  was  distinguished — in 
war  the  prowess  which  raised  him  into  the  highest  rank 
of  Indian  heroes. 

At  what  period  of  his  life  he  first  resolved  upon 
making  an  effort  to  stop  the  progress  of  the  whites 
west  of  the  mountains,  is  not  certainly  known.  It  was 
probably  several  years  anterior  to  the  open  avowal  of 
his  plan  of  union,  which  occurred  in  1805  or  ?6.  The 
work  before  him  was  herculean  in  character,  and  beset 
with  difficulties  on  every  side ;  but  these  only  quicken 
ed  into  more  tireless  activity  his  genius  and  his  patriotic 
resolution.  To  unite  the  tribes  as  he  proposed,  preju 
dices  must  be  overcome,  their  original  manners  and 
customs  re-established,  the  use  of  ardent  spirits  utterly 
abandoned,  and  finally,  all  intercourse  with  the  whites 
cut  off.  Here  was  a  field  for  the  display  of  the  highest 
moral  and  intellectual  powers  He  had  already  gained 


LIFE    OP    TECUMSEH.  233 

the  reputation  of  a  brave  and  sagacious  warrior,  a  cool 
headed,  upright  and  wise  counsellor.  He  was  neither 
a  war  nor  a  peace  chief,  and  yet  he  wielded  the  power 
and  influence  of  both.  The  time  had  now  arrived  for 
action.  To  win  savage  attention,  some  bold  and  strik 
ing  movement  was  necessary.  He  imparted  his  plan 
to  his  brother,  a  smart,  cunning  and  pliable  fellow,  who 
adroitly  and  quickly  prepared  himself  for  the  part  he 
was  appointed  to  play,  in  this  great  drama  of  savage  life. 
Tecumseh  well  understood,  that  excessive  superstition 
is  every  where  a  prominent  trait  in  the  Indian  charac 
ter,  and  readily  availed  himself  of  it.  Suddenly,  his 
brother  begins  to  dream  dreams,  and  see  visions,  he  is 
an  inspired  Prophet,  favored  with  a  divine  commission 
from  the  Great  Spirit ;  the  power  of  life  and  death  is 
placed  in  his  hands  ;  he  is  the  appointed  agent  for  pre 
serving  the  property  and  lands  of  the  Indians,  and  for  re 
storing  them  to  their  original,  happy  condition.  He  com 
mences  his  sacred  work ;  the  public  mind  is  aroused ;  un 
belief  gradually  gives  way ;  credulity  and  wild  fanati 
cism  begin  to  spread  in  circles,  widening  and  deepening 
until  the  fame  of  the  Prophet,  and  the  divine  character 
of  his  mission,  have  reached  the  frozen  shores  of  the 
lakes,  and  overrun  the  broad  plains  which  stretch  far 
beyond  the  Mississippi.  Pilgrims  from  remote  tribes, 
seek,  with  fear  and  trembling,  the  head-quarters  of  the 
mighty  Prophet.  Proselytes  are  multiplied,  and  his  fol 
lowers  increase  in  number.  Even  Tecumseh  becomes 
a  believer,  and,  seizing  upon  the  golden  opportunity,  he 
mingles  with  the  pilgrims,  wins  them  by  his  address, 
and,  on  their  return,  sends  a  knowledge  of  his  plan  of 
concert  and  union  to  the  most  distant  tribes.  And  now 
commenced  those  bodily  and  mental  labors  of  Tecum 
seh,  which  were  never  intermitted  for  the  space  of  five 
years.  During  the  whole  of  this  period,  we  have  seen 
that  his  life  was  one  of  ceaseless  activity.  He  traveled, 
he  argued,  he  commanded :  to-day,  his  persuasive  voice 
was  listened  to  by  the  Wyandots,  on  the  plains  of  San- 
dusky — to-morrow,  his  commands  were  issued  on  the 
banks  of  the  Wabash — anon,  he  was  paddling  his  bark 
canoe  across  the  Mississippi ;  now,  boldly  confronting 
the  governor  of  Indiana  territory  in  the  council-house 

u  2 


234  LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH. 

at  Vincennes,  and  now  carrying  his  banner  of  union 
among  the  Creeks  and  Cherokees  of  the  south.  He  was 
neither  intoxicated  by  success,  nor  discouraged  by  fail 
ure  ;  and,  but  for  the  desperate  conflict  at  Tippecanoe, 
would  have  established  the  most  formidable  and  extend 
ed  combination  of  Indians,  that  has  ever  been  witness 
ed  on  this  continent.  That  he  could  have  been  success 
ful  in  arresting  the  progress  of  the  whites,  or  in  making 
the  Ohio  river  the  boundary  between  them  and  the  In 
dians  of  the  north-west,  even  if  that  battle  had  not  been 
fought,  is  not  to  be  supposed.  The  ultimate  failure  of 
his  plan  was  inevitable  from  the  circumstances  of  the 
case.  The  wonder  is  not  that  he  did  not.  succeed,  but 
that  he  was  enabled  to  accomplish  so  much.  His  genius 
should  neither  be  tested  by  the  magnitude  of  his  scheme, 
nor  the  failure  in  its  execution,  but  by  the  extraordinary 
success  that  crowned  his  patriotic  labors.  These  labors 
were  suddenly  terminated  in  the  hour  when  the  pros 
pect  of  perfecting  the  grand  confederacy  was  brightest. 
By  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe — fought  in  violation  of  his 
positive  commands  and  during  his  absence  to  the  south, 
— the  great  object  of  his  ambition  was  frustrated,  the 
golden  bowl  was  broken  at  the  fountain ;  that  ardent 
enthusiasm  which  for  years  had  sustained  him,  in  the 
hour  of  peril  arid  privation,  was  extinguished.  His  ef 
forts  were  paralyzed,  but  not  his  hostility  to  the  United 
States.  He  joined  the  standard  of  their  enemy,  and 
fought  beneath  it  with  his  wonted  skill  and  heroism. 
At  length  the  contest  on  the  Thames  was  at  hand.  In 
dignant  at  the  want  of  courage  or  military  skill,  which 
prompted  the  commander  of  the  British  forces  to  shrink 
from  meeting  the  American  army  on  the  shore  of  lake 
Erie,  he  sternly  refused  to  retreat  beyond  the  Moravian 
towns.  There,  at  the  head  of  his  warriors,  he  took  his 
stand,  resolved,  as  he  solemnly  declared,  to  be  victo 
rious,  or  leave  his  body  upon  the  field  of  battle,  a  prey 
to  the  wolf  and  the  vulture.  The  result  has  been  told. 
The  Thames  is  consecrated  forever,  by  the  bones  of  the 
illustrious  Shawanoe  statesman,  warrior  and  patriot, 
which  repose  upon  its  bank. 

In  whatever  aspect  the  genius  and  character  of  Te- 
cumseh  may  be  viewed,  they  present  the  evidence  of 


LIFE    OF    TECUMSEH.  235 

his  having  been  a  remarkable  man ;  and,  to  repeat  the 
language  of  a  distinguished  statesman  and  general,  who 
knew  him  long  and  intimately,  who  has  often  met  him 
in  the  council  and  on  the  field  of  battle,  we  may  ven 
ture  to  pronounce  him,  one  of  those  uncommon  geni 
uses  which  spring  up  occasionally  to  produce  revolu 
tions,  and  overturn  the  established  order  of  things ;  and, 
who,  but  for  the  power  of  the  United  States,  would, 
perhaps,  have  been  the  founder  of  an  empire  which 
would  have  rivalled  that  of  Mexico  or  Peru. 


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